On September 26, 1848, Friedrich Engels was forced to leave Cologne, where he was threatened with arrest for making revolutionary speeches at people's meetings. He emigrated to Belgium, but was expelled from there by the authorities and went to France. On October 5, Engels arrived in Paris. The atmosphere in the French capital made a depressing impression on him. The country was experiencing the decline of the revolution. The reactionary bourgeoisie has raised its head. After the defeat of the June uprising, the workers, disillusioned with the petty-bourgeois leaders, were seized with temporary apathy. And Engels decided to leave Paris. He travels on foot through Southeastern France, heading to Switzerland 1 . At the end of October 1848, he arrived in Geneva, lived for some time in Lausanne, then in Neuchatel, and finally arrived in Bern. In Switzerland, Engels was looking forward to the moment when he could return to his homeland. With all his heart, he was eager to return to Cologne, where, after the state of siege was lifted, the Neue Rheinische Zeitung, edited by Marx, began to appear again. Friends were in constant correspondence. The absence of Engels, who, thanks to his talent and great efficiency, usually managed to write both editorials and foreign policy reviews for almost every issue of the newspaper, was a heavy blow to the editorial staff. Marx wrote to Engels in Geneva: "As soon as you can, write more authentic correspondence and articles." 2 In one of his letters, Marx lists a number of issues that, in his opinion, should be covered first. Engels set to work with alacrity. During his stay in Switzerland, he wrote articles on the political struggle in France ("The Working Class of France and the Presidential Elections", "Proudhon"), on the national liberation movement in Hungary ("Struggle in Hungary") and a number of correspondences3 . On November 11, 1848, Engels published a note in the Neue Rheinische Zeitung on the events in Neuchatel . Then a series of articles and notes from the Swiss capital appears in the newspaper under the correspondent badge * * "Bern". The first of these correspondences is dated November 9, and the last-January 13, that is, chronologically they coincide with Engels ' stay in Bern. Following Marx's request, Engels regularly sent his materials to the newspaper. In less than two months, more than thirty of his articles and notes appeared on the pages of the Neue Rheinische Zeitung .5 The only break in the publication of these materials took place from December 10 to December 23, 1848. This break coincides with the Berne Congress of German Unions, in which Engels participated, and with the creation of the Central Commission for the Unification of German Unions in Switzerland, to which he was elected.

Engels ' correspondence from Bern focused on the political life of Switzerland. The characteristics and analysis of the political system of this country were of considerable interest to German readers at that time, as they were directly related to one of the cardinal questions for Germany - about the ways to implement the national unification of the country. Supporters

1 See K. Marx and F. Engels, Soch. Vol. 5, p. 502.

2 K. Marx and F. Engels, Soch. Vol. 27, p. 122.

3 K. Marx and F. Engels, Soch. Vol. 6, pp. 603-612, 175-186.

4 This note, marked "From the Neuchatel Republic", is dated November 7 (see ibid., pp. 3-4).

5 The most important of them are included in the 6th volume of Essays, others will be published in the 43rd volume. Some material on Engels ' correlations from Switzerland can be found in an article by the progressive Swiss historian M. Pianzola. Engels et la naissance de la Suisse moderne. "Cahiers internationaux", 1956, N 75).

page 118
The South German Republicans, who were very influential among the German petty bourgeoisie, envisioned the future of Germany as a federal republic. At the same time, they turned their eyes to Switzerland as a "model republic". Marx and his associates did not regard the Swiss political system as such a model. They consistently explained the unacceptability of a federal system for Germany at that time. The age-old fragmentation of the country, which consisted of almost forty small states, remnants of feudal relations constrained its economic and political life and served as a serious obstacle to further development. Marx and his supporters saw the only way out of this situation in the centralization of the political and economic system .6 In opposition to the demand for a federal republic, which in German conditions meant perpetuating national backwardness and disunity, Marx and Engels defended the slogan of a united democratic republic, proclaimed by them at the beginning of the revolution of 1848 in the program document of the Union of Communists - "Demands of the Communist Party in Germany"7 .

The critique of the Swiss political system in the pages of the Neue Rheinische Zeitung was intended to help the broad masses of workers and the petty bourgeoisie free themselves from harmful illusions. "Write also against the federal republic, for which Switzerland provides the best excuse," Marx asked his friend .8 In one of his articles describing the parliamentary system of Switzerland, Engels emphasized the political relevance of this topic for Germany at that time: "I already know quite a few harsh Republicans who only dream of transferring the Swiss political system with large and small federal, national councils, cantonal councils,etc. from the other side of the Rhine., that is, to turn Germany into a large-format Switzerland. " 9 Considering the activities of the representative institutions of Switzerland, Engels first of all drew attention to the progressive measures of the federal government, the purpose of which was to curb reactionary elements and implement a number of bourgeois-democratic transformations. It expresses its approval of the measures taken to secularize monastic lands and property, expel the Jesuits and suppress church rebellions, and the Government's intention to centralize the postal service. 10 At the same time, Engels concludes that these changes failed to eliminate a characteristic feature of Swiss social life - the spirit of local cantonal narrowness, provincial narrowness of interests, and the disunity of various parts of the country with a multi-lingual population (German, French, and Italian cantons). This idea runs like a red thread through Engels ' articles and correspondence. When reporting on the results of elections to the Federal Court, drawing portraits of members of the Federal Council, or describing debates in the National Council, he invariably comes to the same conclusion: the characteristic feature of Swiss political life is "endless fragmentation..., an indescribable intertwining of interests and an incomprehensible confusion of motives"11 .

One of the most striking works of Engels about Switzerland is the article "The National Council". Using relatively little material from the two-day debate in the Swiss Legislative Assembly on the fate of Italian refugees in the canton of Tessin, Engels was able to show the most characteristic features of this representative institution and the peculiarities of the political struggle in the country. He paints a semi-patriarchal environment in the assembly, whose composition reflects the coexistence of various social structures characteristic of Switzerland, "from the most advanced machine industry to the most real pastoral life" 12 . Before us is a bright gallery of types of speakers of the National Council. In its predominant

6 See K. Marx and F. Engels, Soch. Vol. 5, p. 42.

7 See ibid., p. 1.

8 K. Marx and F. Engels, Soch. Vol. 27, p. 124.

9 K. Marx and F. Engels, Soch. Vol. 6, p. 91.

10 "Neue Rheinische Zeitung" (далее - "NRhZ") NN 161, 168, 195: 6 and 14. XII. 1848; 14. I. 1849.

11 K. Marx and F. Engels, Soch. Vol. 6, p. 36.

12 Ibid., p. 92.

page 119
Most of them are liberals, whom Engels characterized as typical representatives of the Swiss bourgeoisie with the stamp of "native local narrowness" .13 At the same time, he writes with approval about the speeches of progressive deputies of the National Council - such as the prominent commander of the war against the Sonderbund, General Dufour, and the Republican from the canton of Vaud Eitel. Engels ' picture of the National Council debate is lightly humorous. In doing so, he shows readers the insignificance of the assembly debate against the backdrop of the European revolution. Switzerland seemed to be on the sidelines of the main road of historical development, and only echoes of European events reached it.

The only political party in Switzerland to which Engels was sympathetic was the radicals. This is especially evident in the article "Swiss Press", which was written at the very end of his stay in this country. The description of the local press and its main trends is given against the background of the general situation in Switzerland. Engels emphasizes that cantonal narrowness inevitably creates a narrow outlook, and the wretched scale of the political struggle gives newspaper polemics a petty character. However, along with these traditional features of the Swiss press, Engels also notices some new phenomena that were the result of recent social and political transformations. This is primarily the well-known centralization of the press in the capital city of Bern. After briefly describing the newspapers that are the organs of the reactionary and liberal parties, Engels proceeds to analyze the radical press. The platform of the main body of the radicals, the Berner-Zeitung, is approved by him: "The implementation of democracy in the legislation and administration of the canton, from which a lot of garbage has yet to be swept away, maximum centralization throughout Switzerland, and the rejection of the policy of neutrality at the first opportunity" 14 . Engels also notes various trends within the radical party. He calls the Sehweizer-Zeitung an organ of bourgeois radicalism, whose program is limited to carrying out economic reforms that benefit the propertied class. He sympathizes with the radical satirical weekly Gukkasten, which denounced the powerful and expressed solidarity with the heroes of the Vienna Uprising of 1848.

Referring to the few socialist newspapers published in Switzerland, Engels notes that the immaturity of the country's social system creates unfavorable conditions for the propaganda of socialist ideas. At the same time, he writes sympathetically about I. F. Becker's newspaper Die Evolution as the most resolute of all Swiss newspapers that supported the European revolution. While in Switzerland, Engels used his connections with local radicals to help spread the Neue Rheinische Zeitung and popularize its ideas. In a letter to Marx, he notes with satisfaction that the Neue Rheinische Zeitung is quoted by many bourgeois and radical newspapers in Switzerland .15 Engels therefore attached great importance to the regular delivery of the Cologne gazette to Bern, and urged Marx to follow this up.

Among the remnants of the feudal order in Switzerland, Engels was particularly indignant at the mercenary system, which originated from the so - called capitulations-medieval contracts of Swiss cantons with European monarchies for the supply of mercenaries. These Landsknechts long ago became the stronghold of counter-revolutionary monarchical regimes-Habsburg Austria and Neapolitan Bourbons. As for Switzerland, for the old cantons, the supply of mercenaries became a solid source of income and a means to get rid of the surplus population. Engels considered this custom of human trafficking shameful. He expressed confidence that the Swiss government's planned cancellation of the capitulations would have beneficial consequences not only for the political situation in Europe ,but also for Switzerland itself. 16
A number of Engels ' articles and correspondence are devoted to Swiss foreign policy issues, in particular its conflict with the German Reich government. The basics-

13 Ibid., p. 96..

14 Ibid., pp. 189-190.

15 See K. Marx and F. Engels, Soch. Vol. 27, p. 127.

16 "NRhZ" Л" 185: 3.I.1849, Beilage.

page 120
Another reason for the conflict was the right of asylum granted by the cantons to German political emigrants, mainly participants in the Republican uprisings in Southern Germany. Engels ridicules the claims of the German rulers and is outraged by the arrogant attitude of German officials towards Switzerland. It proves that its policies fully comply with the norms of international law, while the German rulers have once again established themselves as champions of counter-revolutionary tendencies .17
One of the most important foreign policy issues for Switzerland was the question of its neutrality. Oxenbein's liberal government, then in power, was committed to maintaining its traditional policy of neutrality. This was opposed by the radicals. In his articles, Engels argued that in a Europe in the grip of revolution, Switzerland's neutrality becomes its opposite - a policy "which in reality is nothing more than a policy of conservatism and connivance towards reaction."18 Engels 'articles written in Switzerland show how closely he followed the first steps of the working-class movement in that country, how much importance he attached to the growth of the workers' political and class consciousness, and to their first actions in defense of their interests. While he is pleased to report that the Geneva workers are ready to take up arms in order to defend their democratic morals and prevent the victory of the reactionary party in the elections, Engels makes a number of general remarks about the changes that have taken place in the Swiss working class. He notes that the democratization of its political system, as well as the revolutionary actions of the European proletariat in 1848 - the June uprising of the Paris workers and the October uprising in Vienna - caused profound changes in the consciousness of Swiss workers. They are "increasingly drawn into the political and socialist movement." 19 In another article, analyzing the results of the Berne elections, Engels emphasizes that "here, as in most parts of Switzerland ,the real revolutionary force of the people is the Swiss and German workers." 20 Engels considered the manifestation of class solidarity to be one of the most important signs of the growing class maturity of the workers. He notes their warm sympathy for the Viennese rebel struggle and the planned rapprochement between Swiss and German workers. In Switzerland, where at that time there was no significant layer of the industrial proletariat, German workers and artisans living in this country played an important role. If the first workers ' unions in Switzerland included only German workers, now such unions often included local workers, which, as Engels points out, is undoubtedly an important step forward.

The conclusions reached by Engels in his articles show that he was well acquainted with the state of the Swiss working-class movement. There is direct documentary evidence of Engels ' direct involvement in this movement .21 Engels 'stay in Switzerland coincided with the revival of the activities of the German democratic and workers' unions. In the summer of 1848, the German National Union in Zurich, a Republican petty - bourgeois organization that included a significant number of emigrant workers, appealed to all German unions in Switzerland to unite in a Republican-democratic organization, which was to become part of the Democratic Party of Germany. 22 However, the advanced unions, which were under the influence of the Berne Workers 'Union, then the largest workers' organization in Switzerland, rightly saw in this project the intention to subordinate the unions to the influence of the leaders of petty-bourgeois democracy. Considering the unification necessary and timely, they sought to give it ha-

17 See K. Marx and F. Engels, Soch. Vol. 6, pp. 47-56.

18 Ibid., p. 68.

19 Ibid., p. 8.

20 "NRhZ" N 153: 26.XI.1848, Beilage.

21 The German Marxist historian R. Dlubek managed to find documents about Engels ' participation in the Swiss labor movement in the Bern Archive (R. Dlubek. Zur politischen Tatigkeit von Friedrich Engeis in der Schweiz Ende 1848-Anfang 1849. "Beitrage zur Geschichtc der deutschen Arbeiterbewegung", 1960, Hf. 4).

22 Ibid., S. 753.

page 121
a type that is more in line with the interests of the workers. Upon his arrival in Bern, Engels established contact with the Berne Union and soon became a member of it23 . When the first Congress of German Unions of Switzerland was convened in Bern, Engels took part in its work as a delegate from the Lausanne Workers ' Union, with which he established contact during his stay in Lausanne. The leaders of the union assigned Engels to serve as their representative at the Congress, expressing confidence that he "as an old fighter for the interests of the proletariat" would successfully accomplish this task .24
The Berne Congress of German Unions in Switzerland opened on December 9, 1848. Delegates from ten democratic and workers 'unions from various cantons were represented; in addition, five workers' unions sent letters to the Congress expressing their views on the issues to be discussed. The Congress was to adopt the charter of the association of German unions in Switzerland, select its governing bodies, and determine its attitude to the democratic and workers ' organizations of Switzerland and Germany. In order to avoid police harassment, only resolutions were recorded in the minutes, which were sent to all unions for discussion; delegates ' speeches were not recorded .25 Engels attended the sessions of the Congress on December 10 and 11. During the election of the association's executive body, the Central Commission, which took place on December 14, Engels was first nominated for the post of vice - president, and then elected secretary of the Association .

The most important issue on the agenda of the congress was the adoption of the charter defining the organizational principles of the new association, its goals and objectives. A number of provisions of the charter are formulated under the influence of the charter of the Union of Communists. And this indicates that members of the Union of Communists were involved in its compilation, and in the first place, F. P. Blavatsky. Engels. A number of changes were made to the original draft of the charter submitted by the Zurich National Union during the discussion. The first paragraph of the final version of the charter read: "The purpose of the association is: to educate the members of the association in the social-democratic and republican spirit and by any legal means to ensure that the social-democratic and republican principles and institutions are recognized by the Germans and implemented. Therefore, the association establishes contacts with the Central Committees of the Democratic and Workers 'Unions of Germany in order to combine its forces with their efforts to the extent that its position abroad will allow it." 27 The amendments made to this paragraph at the Congress were limited to two very significant points. First of all, the purpose and nature of the association were defined as "social-democratic and republican", and in the draft of the Zurich Union they were called democratic and republican. Further, the adopted charter referred to the establishment of links with associations of democratic and workers ' unions in Germany, while the draft of the Zurich Union provided that the newly created association would become part of the democratic party that already existed in Germany.

These amendments radically changed the nature of the unification of the German unions of Switzerland and the goals that it set for itself. The charter drawn up by the Zurich Union meant the creation of an organization adjacent to the petty-bourgeois democratic Party and aiming at the establishment of a democratic republic in Germany. As a result of the amendments made at the congress, the goal of unification was declared a social-democratic republic. As you know, during the revolution of 1848-1849, the slogan of a "social" or " red " republic included not only political, but also radical social transformations in the interests of the masses of the people, and first of all the proletariat. This slogan was widely promoted on the pages of the Neue Rheinische Zeitung. This kind of program, which meant the completion of the bourgeois-democratic revolution and the creation of conditions for the transition to a proletarian revolution, was proclaimed in the Demands of the Communist Party in Germany, written by Marx and Engels.

23 Ibid., S. 771.

24 K. Marx and F. Engels, Soch. Vol. 6, p. 623.

25 R. Grimm. Geschichte der Berner Arbeiterbewegung. Bd. 1. Bern. 1913, S. 233.

26 CPA IML, f. 1, op. 3, units hr. 261, l. 15.

27 Ibid., l. 10.

page 122
In drawing up the charter at the Berne Congress, the direction represented by the Berne Union and the workers ' unions that followed it prevailed. Considering it expedient to create an organization uniting democratic and workers ' unions, the supporters of this trend at the same time made every effort to ensure that the hegemony in the organization belonged not to petty-bourgeois democrats, but to representatives of the interests of the proletariat. They managed to defend their positions not only in defining the goals of the association, but also in formulating its organizational principles. The charter of the new association consistently follows the principles of democratic centralism. According to paragraph 4, the supreme organ of this organization is the congress, whose decisions are binding on all unions that are members of the association. For the period between congresses, the organization is headed by the Central Union, its executive body is the Central Commission, which is selected by the Congress and reports to it .28 In addition, the charter provides for proportional representation at the congress of various unions, depending on their size. This meant that small unions with backward views could not impose their will on the association as a whole.

No less important was the decision taken at the Berne Congress to establish a link not only with the Central Committee of the German Democrats, but also with the Workers 'Brotherhood, an association of German workers' unions whose influence extended to a significant part of the country. This indicated the intention of the leaders of the organization created in Switzerland to strengthen the proletarian stream in it. At that time, in Germany, the workers ' unions were part of the democratic party, and the proletariat did not yet appear on the political arena as an independent force. Therefore, the efforts of Marx and Engels and their associates were aimed at preparing the creation of an independent mass proletarian organization on a national scale.

One of the tasks of the Berne Congress was to develop a position in relation to the influential organization of German emigrants in Switzerland - the Military Union "Help yourself", founded in Biel in the autumn of 1848. It was headed by the petty-bourgeois Democrats I. F. Becker, A. Billakh, and Yu. Standau. Modeled on European secret societies, the Military Alliance was conspiratorial in nature. Its organizers aimed to create armed groups of volunteers-the core of the volunteer legion, which was supposed to invade Germany and proclaim a republic there. Marx and Engels had a negative attitude towards such enterprises; they repeatedly pointed out that any putsch without any strong ties with the revolutionary forces inside Germany is doomed to failure, and their defeat by government troops can only cause negative consequences for the development of the revolution. Although he did not approve of the aims of the Military Alliance and the nature of its activities, Engels appreciated Becker's revolutionary beliefs, personal courage, and organizational skills. Seeing Becker as one of the most prominent representatives of the revolutionary-democratic movement, Engels defended him against persecution by the Swiss authorities .29 In its decision, the Berne Congress opposed the accession of the German unions of Switzerland to the Military Alliance, giving individual unions and their members the opportunity to join this organization on an individual basis .30
The work of the Berne Congress has led to very significant results. The creation of an association of German unions in Switzerland was consolidated. The adopted charter and other decisions of the Congress, in particular the election of the Berne Workers 'Union as the Central Union, largely determined the predominant role of workers' unions in this organization. At the end of the congress, a number of Swiss workers ' unions announced their affiliation to the association .31 Another important result of the congress was a further rapprochement between German and Swiss workers. In April 1849, the editorial board of the Neue Rheinische Zeitung, in a note to the correspondence from Geneva, reported on the unification of the German Workers ' Union and the Swiss demo-

28 Ibid.

29 "NRhZ" N 180: 28.XII.1848, Beilage.

30 TSPA NAMED after L, f. 1, op. 3, units hr. 261, l. 12.

31 R. Dlubek. Op. cit., S. 775.

page 123
The Kratic Union ("Grutli Union"), which included many workers, noted: "Agreements between German and Swiss workers have also been concluded at other points in French Switzerland, such as Locle and La Chaux-de-Fonds, where Germans and Swiss are united in one workers 'union." 32
Engels ' activities as secretary of the Central Commission can be judged from two documents that have been preserved in the archives of this organization in Bern. The Congress instructed the Central Commission to send out its materials to the unions that are members of the association, and at the same time explain the main points of decisions to those unions that from the very beginning took a different position in the main program and organizational issues. Engels was also charged with the task of writing to the March Union in Frankfurt am Main. A letter from Engels on behalf of the Central Commission addressed to this union has been preserved, as well as a letter to one of the workers ' unions of French Switzerland, the Vevey Union. A letter addressed to the union at Vevey, written by Engels shortly after the end of the congress, is a reply to the union's message to Congress of December 7, 1848. In its message, the Vevey union insisted that not only the unions represented at the congress should have the right to vote, but also those who were unable to send deputies and expressed their opinion in writing. The Union of Vevey declared that it agreed to recognize as a Central Union only the Military Union led by Becker .33 The Congress instructed the Central Commission to persuade the Vevey Union to join the newly created union .34 Engels dwells in detail on the fallacy of the proposals of this union on the voting procedure at the Congress. He emphasizes that the newly created association should put an end to the previous method of communication between unions (by correspondence). A truly democratic principle is the personal participation of representatives of individual unions in the discussion of issues of interest to them. Responding to the argument of the Vevey union that a few unions do not have the means to send delegates to the congress, Engels points out that this is not an insurmountable obstacle. For example, the Lausanne Workers ' Union "appointed a citizen based in Bern as its representative and sent him instructions" 35 .

In his letter, Engels also touches on the question of the attitude towards the Military Alliance. He puts forward two arguments: first of all, joining a Military union may lead to persecution by the authorities for the whole organization, since it was in fact a banned organization; on the other hand, Engels draws attention to the fact that the union led by Becker is primarily a military organization and cannot fulfill the goal of "social-democratic integration". propaganda"36 . Therefore, the choice of this union as the guiding one is undesirable. For tactical reasons, considering the Alliance of Vevey's commitment to a Military Alliance, Engels placed this argument in the second place. Meanwhile, for him and for other leaders of the association of Swiss unions, it was precisely the conspiratorial nature of the Military Alliance and the propensity of its leaders to putschist enterprises that was crucial. By persuading the Vevey union to abandon its erroneous views and join a Swiss-wide organization, Engels sought to overcome the Swiss spirit of local isolation that had also permeated the ranks of German emigrant workers.

The Berne Congress also decided to enter into correspondence with the March Union. The March Union in Frankfurt was founded in November 1848 by members of the left wing of the National Assembly. Marx and Engels, in the pages of the Neue Rheinische Zeitung, sharply criticized the activities of this petty-bourgeois organization for its cowardly, half-hearted position on the fundamental questions of the revolution .37 At the Congress, the Berne Workers ' Union strongly objected to establishing a link with the March Union, as it was "not Republican" .38 However, bolshin-

32 "NRhZ" N 276: 19.IV.1849.

33 R. Dlubek. Op. cit, S. 783 - 784.

34 CP IML, f. 1, on. 3, units hr. 261, l. 12.

35 K. Marx and F. Engels, Soch. Vol. 27, p. 431.

36 Ibid., p. 432.

37 See K. Marx and F. Engels Soch. Vol. 6, pp. 354-356, 382-383.

38 CPA IML, f. 1, op. 3, units hr. 261, l. 12.

page 124
Most of the Congress delegates were still caught up in misconceptions and trusted the leaders of petty-bourgeois democracy. Carrying out the decision of the Congress, Engels, in a letter to the board of the March Union, reflected the position of the proletarian revolutionaries. He stressed that closer cooperation between the Association of German Unions of Switzerland and the March Union is impossible for programmatic reasons, since "Swiss unions strongly support the democratic social republic" 39 . On instructions from the Congress, Engels asked the members of the board of the March Union - deputies of the Frankfurt National Assembly-to inform the assembly that the German workers in Switzerland strongly condemned the hostile attitude of the Reich Government towards Switzerland, which granted the right of asylum to German emigrants. The whole tone of the document shows that Engels had no illusions about the ability of the feeble Frankfurt Assembly to take a decisive position in relation to the imperial government. It is not for nothing that he calls it the "so-called National Assembly." 40 This letter of Engels is of interest in yet another respect. It is signed: "Central Commission of the German Workers' Unions of Switzerland." This means that Engels regarded the newly created association as an organization of workers ' unions, which, as we have seen, fully corresponded to the nature of the decisions of the Berne Congress.

Documents written by Engels on behalf of the Central Commission show that he fully approved and defended the main decisions of the Congress. At the same time, his letters show Engels ' ability as a leader of the working-class movement to soberly assess the existing level of consciousness of the workers: he patiently explained to them the fallacy of their views and sought to dispel their illusions and delusions.

Engels stayed in Bern until mid-January 1849 . By that time, the situation in Cologne had returned to normal, and although the authorities were preparing a series of lawsuits against the editors of the Neue Rheinische Zeitung, Engels was no longer in danger of arrest. He stayed in Switzerland for a relatively short time, about three months. What he modestly described as "idleness abroad" 42 was in fact a very rich and varied activity. More than three dozen articles and notes sent from Bern to Cologne are in itself a very impressive result of Engels ' work as a correspondent of the Neue Rheinische Zeitung. At the same time, journalism was inextricably linked with his activities as a proletarian revolutionary. On the pages of the newspaper, he developed the same ideas, formulated the same tasks, for the implementation of which he fought in practice. He was not an outside observer of the events taking place in Switzerland, but a direct participant in them. While in this country, Engels followed the same line that Marx followed in the German labor movement in 1848-1849. Engels made every effort to unite local workers ' unions, to create a broad proletarian organization, and to overcome the fragmentation and disunity characteristic of the early stage of the working-class movement. Engels ' activities in Switzerland should therefore be regarded as another link in the struggle of the founders of scientific communism for the creation of an independent party of the working class.

39 K. Marx and F. Engels, Soch. Vol. 27, p. 434.

40 Ibid., p. 435.

41 According to the entry in the registration book of the Canton of Bern. On January 18, Engels was issued documents in connection with his departure to Germany (CPA IML, f. 1, op. 3, ed. hr.281).

42 K. Marx and F. Engels, Soch. Vol. 27, p. 126.

page 125

Permanent link to this publication: