The lag in the development of capitalism, the absence of a state of its own, the breakdown in the economic and political unity of the Polish lands, their peripheral or buffer position within each of the three powers that divided Poland - these are just some of the reasons that hindered the development of the latest forms of political life on the scale of all these lands in the The number of these reasons can easily be increased, especially since some of them should be sought not only in the economic, social and political systems and structures that existed at that time, but also in those that were rooted in the era before the partitions of Poland. 1 In addition to these causes, which may be considered common to all Polish lands characterized by a certain degree of uniformity, those that were determined by the differences in the economic and political situation of the three parts of divided Poland also made themselves felt with great force. Sometimes the influence of these specific determinants, which are inherent in almost only one of these parts, was so strong that it still weighs on our views, especially on the initial stage of the history of certain political trends. 2 This well-known skew, derived (at least in part)from the refusal to consider the history of these currents on the scale of all Polish lands through the prism of one of the three parts of divided Poland, in which this current developed much earlier and most fully, should not, however, lead to a fundamental deformation of our ideas, but certainly gives rise to its danger. We will have to return to this issue in more detail in another part of the article, but it is necessary to recall it at the very beginning because it is necessary to determine the chronological framework of this work. It seems that the most general statement that the subject of its consideration is the history of political trends in the Polish lands during the capitalist era would be too inaccurate. At the same time, each attempt to establish more precise dates of the period of interest in this case entails the need to determine one's attitude to the problem strictly on the merits.

Postponing a more complete justification of the fact of the adoption of the 80s of the XIX century. as a starting date to another part of the article, we will limit ourselves here

1 Here we have in mind first of all the consequences of the weakness of the Polish third estate.

2 The current is interpreted as a concept that covers political actions determined by the interests of a certain class of society. Parties (political camps) representing various ideological and political positions could operate within the current. At the same time, it is necessary to make a reservation here that in the article we are interested only in Polish political trends and do not touch upon the development of forms of political life of other peoples who lived on Polish lands, and after 1918 - on the territory of the Polish state.

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only an indication that even the initial formation of the main Polish political camps did not reach the beginning of the 90 - ies of the XIX century. Then both trends were formed in the Polish socialist labor movement, National Democracy emerged and the Ludowsky (peasant) movement began its activity. At the same time, it should be noted that, with the exception of the socialist movement, the sphere of influence of each of these camps at that time did not cover all parts of divided Poland and was generally limited to very few social strata. It was only at the beginning of the twentieth century that all these camps gained wider influence, and at the same time their ideological and political shape was much more fully revealed. However, taking into account the fact that the conflict between the bourgeoisie and the working class was fundamental for the era we are interested in, as well as the fact that most of the Polish lands were under the rule of tsarist Russia, we can take as the starting date the year of the founding of the social revolutionary party "Proletariat" (1882).

Perhaps less controversial is the final date of the period under consideration - 1939. True, even after the aggression of nazi Germany against Poland, we are dealing with the continuation of the actions of the same trends that were formed at the end of the XIX century. But there were diametrically opposite conditions of their activity, determined primarily by the extermination policy of the Hitlerite occupiers. The situation in which the Polish lands found themselves in 1939-1944 (1945), as well as the Polish question as a whole, was characterized by such great exclusivity that it requires very special consideration.

The formation of the political trends of interest to us in the Polish lands is based mainly on the same socio-political phenomena that took place in the more advanced European countries in terms of socio-economic development. The main place among them was occupied by phenomena that were associated with the increase in the number of industrial proletariat and other groups of wage workers, which created the prerequisites for the formation of a socialist trend. At the same time, however, with regard to the Polish lands, we can state the appearance of certain deformations, which partly resulted from their lagging behind in the development of capitalist relations, and partly from the political situation of these lands. If the mentioned lag did not constitute any special specificity of the Polish lands, since it can be observed not only in the countries of Central and Eastern Europe , 3 then the political conditions in which the Polish lands were located can be considered specific, not comparable to what characterized the development of other peoples. Here we have in mind not only the fact that these lands were under the rule of the powers that divided Poland, and the break in the economic unity of these lands, but also the consequences of a long break in their political unity.

However, due to the gaps in research on the political history of Poland in the 19th and early 20th centuries that have been carried out so far, mainly due to the focus on the history of the most active political groups and individuals, we do not have the opportunity to give a more precise answer to questions about the state of public consciousness at that time in various aspects. Despite this, however, it seems that we can make some preliminary observations, treating them as hypotheses concerning the above-mentioned consequences of the partitions of Poland. To a certain extent, this is favored by comparatively

3 It has made itself felt, for example, also in the southern part of Italy.

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advanced research on the economic history of Poland at the turn of the 19th and 20th centuries, 4 which makes it possible to determine quite accurately the relationship between the level of economic development of individual regions and the degree of political and cultural activity of the population living there. 5 The researcher also has some chances of knowing the social behavior of the masses in exceptional situations characterized by great tension of social or political conflicts, such as the revolution of 1905 - 1907 or the collapse of the Central Powers in 1918.

Taking into account some general regularities in the development of forms of socio-political life, as well as taking into account the specifics of the political situation of the Polish lands in the XIX century, we can conclude at the very beginning that the latest political trends were formed quite late on their territory. If we use the example of the Kingdom of Poland, whose destinies have most influenced the entire history of the Polish lands, then the main reasons for the naturalness of such a delay should probably be sought in two areas: socio-economic and political, but we are dealing with such a strong intertwining of them that it is sometimes difficult to determine which ones are most important. of these reasons, socio-economic or political played a major role in specific cases. After all, it is doubtful whether only the economic development of the Kingdom of Poland in the last three decades of the nineteenth century created conditions favorable for the formation of a bourgeois trend, and whether it was really necessary to increase the number of industrial workers by more than two times in order for a socialist trend to finally form.6 .

We do not ignore the influence of socio-economic phenomena, but, on the contrary, recognize their primary role, we only want to draw attention to the need to take into account other phenomena and facts, as well as attach a little less importance to quantitative changes. It seems to us that it would not be a mistake to say that the objective prerequisites of a socio-economic nature that favored the formation of the bourgeois trend were revealed at the latest at the turn of the 1950s and 60s, and probably earlier than this, the social prerequisites for the birth of an organized labor movement were formed. If they did not immediately produce results in the form of certain political trends, it is primarily because socio-economic changes were not accompanied by structural and political changes.

The anachronistic and anti-liberal political order that prevailed in tsarist Russia became even more caricatured in the Kingdom of Poland, which was part of it, especially after the defeat of the uprising of 1863. It seems to us that we should not underestimate the role of political obstacles that hindered the development of political life, especially since in relation to the Polish lands that were part of tsarist Russia, they were reinforced by national oppression. After all, it is not by chance that the first initiatives that led to the creation of the political trends we are interested in to a greater or lesser extent were de-

4 The same can be said about the state of research on the history of the working class (see, for example, Polska klasa robotnicza.Studia historyczne. Vol. I-VI; A. Zarnowska. Klasa robotnicza Krolestwa Polskiego 1870-'1914. Warszawa. 1974). Studies concerning the history of the peasantry and the propertied classes have made much less progress.

5 While noting the emergence of such a link, one should keep in mind the influence of other factors on the state of political activity in society, for example, the restraining influence of the autocracy in the Russian part of divided Poland.

6 This refers to the stable formation of both camps of this trend (the revolutionary and reformist) in 1892-1893 and in the organizational and political sphere.

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scrap of the generation that grew up after the uprising of 1863. The most active individuals of the previous generation either paid for their participation in the uprising with their own blood, or lived and operated in an atmosphere that was not conducive to taking any political action. However, it also made it impossible to spread the idea of "organic labor", since the latter also required at least a minimum of political freedoms.

Speaking of the negative influence of political factors on the formation of political trends in the territory of the Kingdom of Poland, which also manifested itself after their emergence, we are far from understating the influence exerted by the developing conflict between the proletariat and the bourgeoisie, which in the last decade of the XIX century, undoubtedly made itself felt with much greater force than a couple of decades earlier. It should be noted, however, that this conflict created natural prerequisites only for the emergence and development of the socialist trend, which was already fully self-determined 10 years earlier than the bourgeois trend. It is enough to compare here two dates: 1882 - the time of the emergence of the social revolutionary party "Proletariat", and 1893, which, together with the creation of the" National League", marked the beginning of the formation of the political camp most characteristic of the bourgeois trend - National Democracy.7 The bourgeois current in the Kingdom of Poland was, as it were, automatically deprived of the possibility of playing a leading role in the struggle for social progress, similar to that which has become the lot of ideological trends very close to it in Western Europe. This delay in the formation of the bourgeois current in the Kingdom of Poland, as well as in the rest of the Polish lands, predetermined the fact that this current from the very beginning found itself in the counter-revolutionary camp. In order to conclude our discussion of the presuppositions that determined the counter-revolutionary and essentially anti-democratic character of the bourgeois current (at least of its main components), let us recall two more points. The first, which is characteristic of all three parts of divided Poland, although to varying degrees, was associated with the preservation in the political and legal system of the powers that divided Poland, significant remnants of the estate system. This fact is noted by everyone. But it seems to us that this is not equivalent to a correct assessment of all its consequences, for example, the fact that the gentry-landowner stratum had privileges. In this regard, he became not only a moral standard, but also, as it seems to us, an object worthy of envy. Entering this stratum, or at least becoming more closely associated with it, brought not only some losses in terms of household and companionship, but also created opportunities for acquiring much more specific benefits. The attractiveness of contacts or direct contacts with this stratum was also increased by two phenomena: the weakness of the big and middle bourgeoisie and its largely national alien character to the Poles.

At the same time, this second factor played an additional role in determining the ideological and political appearance of the main political camp in the bourgeois current - National Democracy, contributing to the active promotion of nationalist positions and slogans. If we accept that nationalism is an immanent part of bourgeois ideology in general, then in the conditions of the Polish lands, it was, moreover, predetermined by the double weakness of the Polish bourgeoisie: on the one hand, it was determined by the power of the Polish bourgeoisie.-

7 See J. J. Terej. Idee, rnity, realia. Szkice do dziejow Narodowej Demokracji. Warszawa. 1971; R. Wapinski. Z dziejow tendencji nacjonalistycznych. О stanowisku Narodowej Demokracji wobec kwestii narodowej w latach 1893 - 1939. "Kwartalnik historyczny", 1973, N 4.

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On the one hand, the lack of a state of their own , which would provide more favorable conditions for the development of domestic production8, and on the other hand, from the broad, and in some areas even very large, participation in the economic life of the bourgeoisie of Jewish and German nationalities. Everywhere, except in Greater Poland and partly in Pomerania, the noticeable weakness of the Polish petty bourgeoisie also made itself felt. The possibilities for its development, especially in the Russian and Austrian parts of Poland, were limited by the existence of the already very numerous petty bourgeoisie of other nationalities (mainly Jewish). It is also not surprising that the most characteristic tendencies of the bourgeois movement were nationalist and anti-socialist, and this observation can be attributed to all national political groups that operated in the Polish lands and were part of this movement. The acuteness of national conflicts and the growing fear of social upheaval among the bourgeoisie, especially under the influence of the revolution of 1906, did not provide too many opportunities for the development of more liberal tendencies.

The atmosphere of national oppression and internal national conflicts could not but affect the ideological and political image of the Polish socialist movement, contributing, in particular, to an earlier and more distinct manifestation of its division into two trends - revolutionary and reformist-than was generally the case in the international socialist movement. It is worth recalling that, in addition to this split, which was characteristic of the Polish lands that were part of Russia, on the territory of which two parties emerged in 1892-1893: the Polish Socialist Party (PPP) and the Social Democracy of the Kingdom of Poland, 9 the national question had an even greater impact on the political history of the working class in the Prussian part of Poland and on the territory of the main centers of Polish emigration in Germany itself. There, as a result of the increasing onslaught of Germanization, professional organizations that preached slogans of national solidarity gained a very significant influence among the Polish workers .10 If, however, we limit even our attention to the socialist movement only, then even in this case the consequences caused by the entanglement of the national question cannot be overestimated. The assertion of the primacy of the struggle for independence over the social tasks that are fundamental to this movement is characteristic of the activities of the PPS, and after 1906 of the PPS - the revolutionary faction, on the one hand, and the lack of understanding among the SDCP, and later among the SDKPiL, of the advantages that maximum support for national liberation aspirations could bring to the struggle for revolution, - on the other hand, they determined only the main contours of the disagreements that arose on this basis. The reality was even more confusing, making it almost impossible to answer these questions unambiguously and at the same time concisely in a single article. For the same reason, for reasons of substance, it is better to confine ourselves here only to drawing attention to certain aspects of the complexity of the relationship between the national and social questions of the revolution in the Polish socialist movement.

The first and perhaps the main aspect was determined by the poly gap-

8 I. Pietrzak - Pawlowska. Krolestwo Polskie w poczatkach imperializmu (1900-1905) draws particular attention to the growing competition between Russian industry and the industry of the Kingdom of Poland. Warszawa. 1955).

9 Since 1900 - Social Democracy of the Kingdom of Poland and Lithuania (SDKPiL).

10 See K. Murz y nowsk a. Polskie wychodzstwo zarobkowe w Zagfebiu Ruhry w latach 1880-1914. Wroclaw. 1972.

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political unity of the Polish lands, their division into three parts. This made it particularly difficult to find a programmatic formulation within which to reconcile the class point of view, which required the solidarity struggle of the entire proletariat on the scale of each of the states that divided Poland, with the provision on maximum support for national liberation aspirations, which actually required joint action within all three parts of divided Poland. Further, it created a danger of slipping into nationalist positions, recognizing the priority of national interests. Thus, we can talk about a very difficult dilemma to solve, which should not be underestimated. It is enough to recall here that before the February Revolution of 1917 in Russia, none of the significant Polish political groups that shared the principle of the absolute primacy of national interests was able to formulate a program of action that would consistently combine the demand for the unification of all Polish lands with the struggle for full national sovereignty. The Endeks, who were the main proponents of orientation towards tsarist Russia, limited themselves to getting national autonomy for the Polish lands united within its borders. The most active political group that focused on the Central Powers, Pilsudczyk, who inspired their own armed efforts, was actually deprived of the opportunity to put forward not only the demands for the liberation of Polish lands belonging to Prussia, but also the slogan of uniting Polish lands that were part of the other two powers that divided Poland.

There is therefore nothing surprising in the fact that the left-wing Polish revolutionary groups (especially the SDKPiL), despite the discussions that took place within them concerning their position on the national question, 11 expressed themselves generally in favor of the prevailing point of view in the international labor movement at that time , which was characterized, in fact, by an underestimation of the national question .12 True, they saw national oppression and fought against it, but its scope was actually limited to the protection of the right to use their native language and the development of spiritual culture. It is not too much of an oversimplification to say that not only the founders of the Proletariat social revolutionary party, but also a significant part of the leaders of the revolutionary current in the Polish socialist movement at the later stages of its development, even at the beginning of the twentieth century, professed the naive belief that the democratization of socio-political relations, not to mention the consequences of By itself , it will eliminate all sources of national conflicts and put a decisive end to them. Of the many reasons for the persistence of this type of views and concepts, which are not unique to the Polish socialist movement, let us recall only one, which stems from the rapid development of the working class13 and the strength of its actions .14 We think that it is possible, at least in a certain sense, to speak about the phenomenon of hypnotization of this class, its dynamism and solidarity, which contributed to the view of other social and political phenomena precisely through its prism. However, it seems to us that this hair dryer-

11 See N. Michta. Julian Marchlewski. Polska-narodsocjalizrn. Warszawa. 1975.

12 For very interesting considerations on this point, see J. Chlebowczyk. Procesy narodotworcze we Wsehodniej Europie srodkowej w dobie kapitalizmu. Warszawa. 1975, str. 303 - 321.

13 In 1870-1901, the number of industrial workers in the Kingdom of Poland increased fourfold (A. Zarnowska. Op. cit., str. 17).

14 Special attention should be paid to the actions of the proletariat of Lodz in May 1892, which were called the Lodz Uprising.

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the phenomenon of natural passion influenced not only the concepts proclaimed by the leaders of the revolutionary movement. It also contributed to a more or less solid connection with the socialist movement of a number of figures who sought primarily to use the strength contained in the working class for the purposes of the national struggle.

The fact that the working class attracted special attention, as well as, as it seems to us, the impact of the success of the struggle of the socialist movement in Germany and other countries of Western Europe on the democratization of their internal life, influenced the lack of a correct assessment and the need to find allies in other classes and social strata. True, it cannot be said that the leading circles of the Polish socialist movement did not notice, for example ,the importance of the agrarian question and the complexity of social problems in the Polish countryside. 15 But, except in emergency situations, no attempt was made to use the peasants ' struggle for land to strengthen the front of the struggle for the victory of the revolution. In stating this, we are far from formulating the thesis that it is easy for the socialist movement to develop a program that not only combines the current and long-term goals of the working class struggle, 16 but can also become equally attractive, at least for the majority of the rural population, which was characterized by a very significant internal stratification. In addition to the contrasts in the field of property (the size of the farm, its profitability) and in the field of agricultural culture, which historians are used to paying attention to, there were also differences in the sphere of consciousness. A peasant from Greater Poland was actually closer to a Western European middle peasant than a peasant from the Lublin region or the Bialystok region. At the same time, it seems to us that the regional differences that emerged in the sphere of public consciousness concerned not only the well-off groups of the rural population. The influence of the developed economic relations inherent in capitalism is also noticeable when we study the way of thinking of poor rural groups in the western regions of Poland. To simplify the problem somewhat, it can be said that in the central, southern, and eastern regions of the Polish lands, the aspirations of various groups of the rural population (not excluding agricultural workers in general) were concentrated around the acquisition of a piece of cultivated land; but in the western regions, these aspirations covered a much wider range of needs that made it possible to independently The isolation of permanent agricultural workers was also stronger here.

The above-mentioned features influenced, in particular ,the political image of the peasant movement, which in part of the Polish lands no longer represented aspirations that could be defined as anti-feudal. 17 The decisive factor was not the absence of feudal remnants, for they made themselves felt in all the Polish lands , 18 but the more complete involvement of these lands in the process.

15 Y. Markhlevsky, for example, paid a lot of attention to them.

16 Even after the formation of the CCP, this problem made it difficult, in particular, to formulate an agrarian program that would make it easier to get support from the countryside in the struggle for the victory of the revolution. After all, some members of the CCP feared the economic consequences of the process of deconcentration of the agrarian structure, which would be the inevitable result of the division of large land ownership.

17 We can only say that some of the consequences of these features were felt during the struggle for easements. To a much greater extent, the struggle against the remnants of feudalism was carried out in the political sphere.

18 Abstracting from the remnants that remained in the sphere of consciousness and political relations, it is enough to recall here the existence on the territory of the Prussian part of Poland up to the November Revolution of 1918 in Germany of police regulations on foreign servants.

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changes of the capitalist type. This attitude can cover both the economic and social structures that have developed there, as well as the changes in the sphere of public consciousness that have taken place there. For this reason, the political trend that was formed, for example, at the turn of the 19th and 20th centuries, and which is generally defined by the term "Louisianist movement", is difficult to understand in the same categories as we understand the Louisianist movement in Galicia or, somewhat later, in the Kingdom of Poland. The mentioned political trend in Greater Poland, represented primarily by such a print organ as Orgdownik, should be considered rather as an expression of the aspirations of the middle strata, including urban ones, to play a more independent political role. If its leaders put forward slogans directed against the landlords, it was only in the political sense, and not in the social aspect, which, on the contrary, from the very beginning made itself felt in the actions of the Louis movement in Galicia and the Kingdom of Poland. Thus, in one case, on the territory of the Prussian part of Poland, we are dealing with a political movement of the middle strata, which can in principle be qualified as a petty-bourgeois movement20 ; and in the other-with the political peasant movement, which grew up, in particular, on the basis of the still existing social conflict between the landowner's estate and the village.

The character of the differences drawn between the so-called Ludovite movement in Greater Poland and the Ludovite movement in Galicia and the Kingdom of Poland is, however, somewhat simplistic, since it would have to be supplemented with information about the differences that existed in the agrarian structure, in demographic groupings, etc. the main thing is the uniqueness of the Polish lands. These differences clearly reflect some of the more general patterns that are inherent in the history of political trends throughout Europe and which are expressed, in particular, in the manifestation of a rather close relationship between the presence of remnants of feudalism and the strength of the domestic (for a given national territory) bourgeoisie and the emergence (or absence) of special peasant political groups. Among the Polish lands, the most favorable conditions for the emergence of this type of grouping were found in Galicia, mainly due to the interweaving of traditional social conflicts (between the landowner's estate and the village) with modern social and political conflicts that grew up on the basis of the particularly strong overpopulation of the village there and the continued predominance of conservative landowner forces 21 in the sphere of political life. Galician autonomy, although it primarily created conditions favorable for the development of national life, also contributed to the preservation of the privileged political positions of the landlords. In contrast to the Polish lands that were part of Russia, where we are dealing with the most closely aligned social forces in the countryside and where, after the uprising of 1863, all non-economic privileges of landlords were eliminated, in Galicia we find a number of remnants of patrimonial power in the countryside.-

19 See W. Jakobczyk. Studia nad dziejami Wierkopolski. Т. III: 1890-t9I4. Poznan. 1967; I. Marczewski. Narodowa Demokracja w Poznanskiem 1900 - 1914. Warszawa. 1967.

20 This is also indicated by the absorption of a significant part of its supporters into National Democracy.

21 Perhaps the definition of protective-landlord forces would be more reflective of the essence of the matter, since they resisted any, even evolutionary, structural changes. Only the landlords ' movement in Greater Poland and Pomerania was somewhat less conservative.

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meshchichy manor. In addition, the main centers of political power remained in the hands of conservative landowner forces. Nor should we underestimate the impact of the weakness of the bourgeois environment, a weakness that also made it impossible or at least difficult for a single political trend to emerge, encompassing the urban and rural middle strata. Therefore, despite the well-known projects and attempts to organize this type of movement, which emerged in Galicia in 1895, the Stronnitsvo ludove (SL) was formed almost exclusively as a political representation of the village. Political peasant groups formed during the 1905 Revolution in the territory of the Kingdom of Poland were also close to it22 . It is worth noting, however, that the development of these groups (at least before the outbreak of the First World War) took place in a certain sense under the shadow of the already overgrown influence of National Democracy.

Among the prerequisites that determined the development of the main political trends, the time of their origin and the stages of their evolution, the following can be brought to the fore: the rapid growth of the industrial proletariat, especially in the Kingdom of Poland; the more complete drawing of the peasant economy into the sphere of influence of capitalist relations; the growing contradictions between the three powers that the full social activity of the generation that grew up entirely after the uprising of 1863 and the peasant reforms. The impact of the first of these assumptions is perhaps so obvious that it requires no further comment. In general, the impact of the growing international conflict on the concepts of most Polish political Trends is also correctly assessed, although the connection that existed between the state of international relations and the political revival in Polish lands at the turn of the XIX-XX centuries is perhaps too small.

Due to the limited scope of the article, we will devote a little more space to only the last two assumptions, which can generally be reduced to differences between generations, but they are clearly marked in two different planes. The first of these, more significant from the point of view of mass phenomena, was created by the changes brought about by peasant reforms and other socio - economic changes that were characteristic of capitalist relations that were already freely developing. In this particular case, we are referring mainly to changes that have taken place in the sphere of public consciousness and which, on a larger scale, have manifested themselves much later than changes in the social structure. The generation that survived the peasant reform, already fully conscious, generally did not free itself from the influence of the stereotypes inherent in the previous era, and retained, in particular, the subordination and dependence of the village on the landowner's estate. Only the next generation had more opportunities to determine the place of the village in the current alignment of socio-political forces, in paving both the paths of emancipation and its participation in the Polish national movement23 . In any case, in the countryside, even during the lifetime of the generation that grew up in the post-reform period, it came to the formation of a political peasant movement.

A certain influence of differences between generations in the sphere of public consciousness is also noticeable when we consider history

22 First of all, the complexity of political relations became an obstacle to the formation of the Ludovite party in this territory even at that time.

23 See also Khlebovchik's remark: J. Chlebowczyk. Op. cit., str. 160.

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other political movements, in particular the workers ' movement, although this influence is not as clearly visible here as in the case of the peasant movement. On the other hand, the history of other movements, in comparison with the Ludovite movement, was affected more seriously by the other side of the differences between generations, which arose, in particular, under the influence of the increasing distance that separated them from the defeat of the last insurrectionary impulse, the growth of national conflicts, largely due to the increasing Germanization and Russification policies that were revived in Polish society. on the outbreak of war, which will cause the internationalization of the Polish question. True, these phenomena affected directly, perhaps, only a few strata of society, mainly the intelligentsia. But if we take into account their significant participation in political life, in the creation of new political groupings and program concepts, then they also had a great opportunity to influence the general state of sentiment. This aspect of the differences between generations was perhaps most fully expressed in the activities of the reformist part of the socialist trend, 24 and after 1908, in the post-Soviet period. - in the activities of those political groups that, relying on Austria-Hungary and sabotage and insurgency actions in the Kingdom of Poland, sought to liberate the Polish lands that were under Russian rule .25 Regardless of what we may call this current (which, however, is far from internal unity), many features of the current can be found in it, which is Epigonous in relation to the traditions of national uprisings of the XVIII-XIX centuries. It is also worth noting that it found great support among a significant part of the literary circles of that time, which some literary historians call representatives of neo-Romanticism .27
Although this second aspect of generational differences concerned primarily (or especially) the prospects and methods of the struggle for independence and, above all, the chances of armed action, it can also, at least to some extent, cover the totality of issues concerning attitudes to all actions with a clearly political connotation. The generation that grew up after the uprising of 1863, burdened with feelings and memories of defeat to a much lesser extent than previous generations, was more aware of the illusory benefits of limiting their actions to actions devoid of clear political accents. The part of this generation that was most sensitive to social injustice saw at the same time new opportunities to change the social and political relations that existed at that time. Their activities marked the beginning of the development of modern forms of political life in the Polish lands. After all, the "Program of Polish Socialists" published in Geneva in 1879, called the Brussels Program, was, regardless of the degree of its ideological and political maturity, not only the first Polish socialist program28 , but also the first Polish program document in general, in which political and socio-economic goals were formulated, based on the fact that the Polish lands were widely entering the path of capitalist development.

24 Represented by the PPP, the PPP of the Prussian Part of Poland and the Polish Social Democratic Party.

25 See A. Garlicki. Geneza Iegionow. Zarys dziejdw Kotttisji Tyfticzasowej Skonfederowan^ch Stronnictw Niepodleglosciowych. Wafszawa. 1964.

26 It seems to us that it would be more correct to call them insurgent, aimed at achieving independence.

27 См. J. Krzyza nowski. Neoromantyzrn polski 1890 - 1918. Wroclaw. 1963.

28 См. "Pclskie programy socjalistyczne 1878 - 1918". Warszawa. 1975, str. 47 - 59.

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The activities of the Warsaw socialist circles and the development of the so-called Brussels program opened the first period of the formation of modern political trends, the final completion of which brought the formation of SL in Galicia in 1895. This period was characterized in general by a significant nebula of the program settings of these trends and the fragility of their organizational structure. With regard to two of these trends, the bourgeois and the peasant trends proper, we can only speak of the elaboration of a part of the program slogans, which, however, were not always of fundamental importance for their further development. For the same reason, in the 1980s of the 19th century there were only initiatives of the most preliminary order, which created only certain opportunities for the formation of these trends. This role was played by Lviv's "Przeglad spoleczny" in relation to the peasant movement, and in the case of the bourgeois current, by Warsaw's "Glos". Only the socialist trend, mainly due to the emergence of the social-revolutionary Proletariat party, has reached a higher degree of ideological and organizational development. His fate was also most affected by the anti-democratic measures of the authorities of the powers that divided Poland. After all, if it had not come to mass repressions directed against the leaders and members of the revolutionary party "Proletariat" (which not only hindered the creation of its organizational structure, but also contributed to the formation of interruptions in the maturation of ideological and political concepts of this trend), its development in the first period would have been more stable.

The beginning of the next period in the history of political trends is determined in principle by the years 1892-1895. During this period of time, the ideological and political foundations and initial organizational structures of all the main socio-political movements in Poland were formed. 1892-1893 brought with it the formation of the Polish Socialist Party (PPP) and the Social Democracy of the Kingdom of Poland, while at the same time giving rise to a long split in the Polish socialist movement into two trends: the reformist and revolutionary. As mentioned above, 1895 brought the formation of the SL in Galicia, which marked the beginning of the formation of a peasant movement on the scale of all Polish lands. Two years earlier, in 1893, the National League had been formed, and its activities would then lead to the organization of a national democratic camp that encompassed all three parts of divided Poland and represented the interests of the entire Polish bourgeoisie.

The final date of this period is given by the events of the revolution of 1905-1907, although their full influence affected only the history of political trends of the Kingdom of Poland. However, given that two of the three most interesting political trends (the socialist and the bourgeois) had their main support precisely on the territory of this part of divided Poland, we can assume that the political changes that took place here were in some way leading in relation to those that took place in general on Polish lands. The beginning of the 1905 revolution made it easier for both of these movements to reach the strata that formed their main social base, and thus helped transform their elite movements into mass ones. Since 1905, the National democracy has had a stable opportunity to conduct activities, partly legal, which made it possible to reach out to those groups of the Polish propertied classes who were negative about any attempts at conspiratorial activity. For the socialist movement, the possibilities of conducting semi-legal activities were limited, however, only slightly.-

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However many months of the rise of the revolutionary wave, this opportunity could not be ignored, because its use contributed to a significant spread of socialist slogans.

The acuteness of the revolutionary events, especially the conflict between the proletariat and the bourgeoisie, forced certain trends to concretize the socio-political goals they were striving for, and made it impossible to widely use solidarian phraseology. This influence of the revolution had a particularly strong effect on the activities of the National Democracy, which at that time fully revealed its bourgeois and counter-revolutionary guise. It is true that this camp had already defined its servitude to the Polish propertied classes, mainly the bourgeoisie, and expressed it, in particular, in the Program of the National Democratic Party of the Russian Part of Poland (1903). But its daily actions, carried out under the banner of the struggle for national rights, may have given rise to illusions in the preceding period that this camp represents radical democratic aspirations. After the events of January 1905, the obscurity and mystique of Endek's propaganda was replaced by clearly counter-revolutionary and anti-popular slogans. A few months later, in support of counter-revolutionary propaganda, actions of strikebreakers and combat squads were launched .29 At the same time, National Democracy strongly supports a break with the concept of concentration of forces on the anti-Russian front, moving to an orientation towards tsarist Russia. However, the final appearance of this orientation was given only in 1908-1909, when the demand for the unification of Polish lands within the Russian Empire was elevated to the rank of the main principle. But a clear notice of it was formulated already during the 1905 revolution. By making such a turn, the leaders of the National Democracy were able, in particular, to extend their influence to the propertied classes of the Kingdom of Poland, who were concerned not only about the growing strike movement, but also about other manifestations of working-class demonstrations. They were also quite seriously concerned about the military actions of the PPP, which to a certain extent continued the traditions of the insurgent struggle.

The development of the revolutionary struggle also contributed to the strengthening of left-wing tendencies in the PPP, accelerating the polarization of positions within its leadership. Not the end result was the split of 1906,30 as a result of which the minority that started it, representing reformist tendencies and advocating the priority of the national struggle, created in 1907 the PPS, a revolutionary faction. In the next period of the history of political trends, which falls on 1908-1917, there will be a further polarization of positions in the socialist movement. On the one hand, it will result in the convergence of the positions of both revolutionary parties-the Social Democracy of the Kingdom of Poland and Lithuania and the Left-wing PPP, which made it possible for them to unite in December 1918 within the framework of the Communist Workers ' Party of Poland (KRPP); and on the other hand, the departure from the PPP of the "revolutionary faction" of Pilsudski and supporters. This latter fact marked the beginning of the creation of a new political camp of the propertied classes, competing with National Democracy.

In addition to the above - mentioned changes that took place in 1895-1907 and which can be considered the most characteristic for that period in the Russian economy, the following changes were made:

29 Т. Monasterska. Narodowy Zwiazek Robotniczy 1905 - 1920. Warszawa. 1973, str. 15 - 66.

30 "CM. A. Zarnowska. Geneza rozlamu w Polskiej Partii Socjalistycznej 1904- 1906. Warszawa. 1965.

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In general, on the scale of all Polish lands, there was a significant development of organized forms of political life. On the territory of Galicia, this was facilitated, in particular, by the struggle for the democratization of the electoral system, and on the Polish lands of Prussia-by the success of the struggle waged by the Polish population for land, as well as by the increasing Germanization policy. It is also worth recalling that the 1905 revolution contributed to the growth of emancipation tendencies in the countryside of the Kingdom of Poland, paving the way for the formation of a peasant current in this part of divided Poland as well. 31
The last period preceding the restoration of Polish independence was characterized primarily by disputes concerning the Polish question during the brewing international conflict and after the outbreak of World War II. Outside of the debate about which side in this conflict should be targeted, only two revolutionary parties remained - SDKPiL and PPS-levitsa, which from the very beginning firmly stood on anti-war positions. Without raising the question of the assessment of individual orientations, it is worth noting, however, that some of the dividing lines in the orientation disputes coincided with the borders of the three parts of divided Poland, and these lines were repeatedly found inside each of the camps. Just for the sake of example, let us recall that even in the bosom of National Democracy, that is, the camp that focused on the victory of tsarist Russia, there was no shortage of supporters of the Austro - Polish solution, not to mention the fact that we are dealing with a very differentiated motivation for betting on tsarist Russia .32 It would be difficult to see a complete convergence of views among supporters of orientation towards the Central Powers, even in the period leading up to the events of 1917. At the same time, it seems to us, we can state that there was still (at least until 1917) a rather significant isolation of supporters of both orientations in society. This situation begins to change only after the overthrow of tsarism in Russia. From this point on, and until the turn of 1918-1919, the curve of political revival began to rise, covering ever wider social strata. It was mainly reflected in the growth of national liberation sentiments and actions, although (especially in the territory of the Kingdom of Poland and Galicia) the growth of radical, and partly revolutionary tendencies was also felt with great force. A definite external expression of this revival was the growth of the influence of groups operating among the masses of the people, but mainly those that combined a certain social radicalism with the slogan of the struggle for the restoration of an independent national state.

Independence opened a qualitatively new stage in the history of Polish political trends, which to a greater extent contributed to the polarization of socio-political forces. This statement, which has the character of a truism, should, however, be considered in some detail, since too often the restoration of independence is associated almost exclusively with the facts that took place in November 1918, which practically only began the long process of forming the territory of the restored state and its structure. 33 After all, the revival of Poland took place as if in two planes:

31 See J. Molenda. Polskie Stronnictwo Ludowe w Kxolestwie Polskim 1915- 1918. Warszawa. 1965.

32 For some, this motive was the recognition of the rule of tsarist Russia as a lesser evil than that of Germany; for others, it was economic benefits.

33 This process was completed by the adoption of the March Constitution and the annexation of the returned part of Upper Silesia in June 1922.

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the acquisition of state sovereignty and the connection of previously separated lands into one organism. If we limit ourselves to the problems that interest us in this case, we can note the influence of both of these processes on the development of all major political trends. If the acquisition and consolidation of state sovereignty contributed to a stronger identification of the social image of individual trends, then the process of unification of Polish lands created prerequisites for overcoming long-standing barriers between the three parts of divided Poland and thereby facilitated the unification of political structures on the scale of all Polish lands. When we talk about the possibility of overcoming the differences between the regions of the country that have grown in the time since the partitions, which have made themselves felt in the sphere of political mores and the alignment of political forces no less than in the sphere of economic and social relations, we should also keep in mind the factors that made it difficult or even impossible. In this case, it is perhaps worth highlighting the social consequences of the lack of sustained economic recovery, especially since the crisis of 1929-1933. impoverishment of the countryside and chronic unemployment in the cities. Almost equally important in the sphere of political life was the presence of numerous national minorities. It helped to maintain the perception of an external threat from Germany, as well as the success of nationalist slogans and the growth of anti-democratic tendencies. The policy of suppression of national minorities, which was carried out with varying intensity during the entire period of the interwar 20th anniversary, simultaneously contributed to the restriction of the democratic rights and freedoms of the Polish people themselves.

Despite these and other obstacles that hindered the process of social integration and at the same time hindered the natural development of forms of political life , 34 Since the first months of independence, there has been a growing trend towards unification within individual political trends. Their earliest and most complete manifestation was in the socialist movement, which can be attributed not only to the fact that the working class rallies were particularly lively at the turn of 1918 - 1919, but also to the very internal character of this movement, with its great ideological and organizational cohesion. Even if we ignore the unification of the SDKPiL and the PPS-Levica, which is associated with the growth of revolutionary tendencies in the former Kingdom of Poland, we can note the very close cooperation of both reformist groups - the PPS and the Polish Social Democratic Party, which formally outstripped the unification of the entire reformist wing .35 It is also worth emphasizing that in comparison with other political trends, the socialist current as a whole Z6 will be characterized by relatively small regional differences. On the other hand, the polarization of positions within its borders was more clearly marked, which contributed, especially in 1919-1920, to the transition of left - wing groups of the reformist wing to the KRPP. The restoration of independence helped to further develop the socialist trend and its influence, facilitating the liberation of the masses from the influence of the ideology of national solidarity. However, up to 1939, this current had the strongest influence in the regions of Central and Southern Poland, which until 1918 were still part of the Soviet Union.-

34 See, for example, "Droga przez polwiecze. About Polsce lat 1918-1968". Warszawa 1969.

33 The case reached him in April 1919.

36 That is, both his camps are revolutionary and reformist.

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they found its support. But in comparison with the period before independence, we can see a clear progress in extending this influence to the territory of the former Prussian part of Poland. In addition, it is in this territory, as in no other part of Poland, that we can observe the evolution in the alignment of socio-political forces caused by national liberation. The predominance of the influence of the bourgeois current, which made itself felt especially strongly in Greater Poland and Pomerania, and which skillfully exploited the sense of threat from the Germanization policy, is gradually decreasing. In 1918-1926, this trend was increasingly contested by the National Party of Workers, 37 a group that also proclaimed the primacy of national interests over class interests, but at the same time launched a struggle for the democratization of political relations and for the current interests of the working class. To some extent, the Ludovite movement also comes to its aid. Since the late 1920s, the influence of solidarist ideas among the working class, especially in large urban centers, has been restricted in favor of socialist influence, mainly contributed by the PPP .38
Integration tendencies in the Ludovite movement, whose social base was more diverse in certain regions of the country, met with much greater difficulties than in the socialist movement. After all, it is difficult to put on the same level a well-to-do peasant from Greater Poland or Pomerania with the owners of sometimes barely vegetated farms in Lesser Poland or Lublin region. Additional difficulties in integrating this movement lay in the well-known program differences between individual Ludovite parties, as well as in the ambitions and political connections of their leaders. Despite this, we are dealing with the first attempt to unite this trend already in 1919, and after its failure, the Ludovite parties, primarily the PSL-Piast, go beyond the borders of one of the former parts of Poland divided in the past. In general, however, it should be noted that only the obvious deterioration of the situation in the countryside during the crisis of 1929-1933, as well as the intensity of anti-democratic measures on the part of the rehabilitation authorities that had been in power since May 1926, created favorable conditions for a more complete unification of the Ludovsky movement. Its formal completion was the unification in 1931. three Ludovite parties: the PSL - "Piast", the PSL - "Vyzvolene" and the Peasant Party (Stronnitsva khlopsky).

The integration of the peasant political movement that followed within the framework of the Stronnitstva Ludovoi, 39 which was formed at that time , brought him a number of important successes, 40 the symptom of which was, in particular, the preservation of the unity of the united party in 1935, despite the divisive activities of some of its leaders. But this integration cannot be considered complete. And not only because the unification of 1931 did not affect the revolutionary wing of the peasant political movement, which carried out close cooperation with the Communist Party of Poland (CPP)41 . After all, and

37 A group that emerged in 1917 among Polish emigrants working in West Germany, and in May 1920, together with the National Union of Workers, formed the National Workers ' Party.

38 См. A. Czubinski, E. Makowski. Klasowy ruch robotniczy w Wielkopolsce w okresie II Rzeczypospolitej. T. 1: Lata 1918 - 1928. Poznan. 1963; R. Wapinski. Ruch robotniczy na Pomorzu w latach 1920 - 1939. Gdynia. 1963.

39 "Zarys historii polskiego ruchu ludowego". T. II. Warszawa. 1970, str. 9 - 59.

40 CM. J. Borkowski. Postawa polityczna chlopow polskich w latach 1930 - 1935. Warszawa. 1970.

41 Here we have in mind, first of all, the Independent Peasant Party and Zednochene Levitsa Khlopskaya's Samopomots .

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In the future, the internal cohesion of this movement, including the SL itself, was greatly influenced by regional differences, which are clearly evident when we compare the ideological and political appearance of this movement in Greater Poland and in Southern and Southeastern Poland .42 The fact is that the differences that persisted, which were mainly expressed in opinions about the concept of agrarian reform and the methods of its implementation, should not obscure the results of the path taken by the Louis movement in 1918 - 1939. It should be remembered that at the initial moment it was fragmented from the point of view not only and not so much programmatic, but also territorial; that each of the Ludovite parties was in fact only a representative of one of the three parts of the once divided Poland. And at the end of the interwar 20th anniversary, despite remaining internal differences, the Ludovite movement became an expression of the aspirations of almost the entire Polish countryside, as evidenced, in particular, during the peasant demonstrations of 1936 and the peasant strike of 1937.

In general, somewhat different features distinguished the evolution of the bourgeois trend, which played a major role in the conditions of the bourgeois state. To some extent, especially in the first months of independence, this role was facilitated by the certain uncertainty of one of the two main camps that formed part of it, namely Pilsudčina. Having no formal political organization at its disposal and relying only on Pilsudski's authority as head of state and supreme commander-in-chief, as well as on mafia-type deals, this camp successfully competed with National Democracy in the struggle for power from the very first days of independence. This lack of a formal organization, the nebulous nature of program slogans, the leftism of a significant part of his entourage, the political pedigree of Pilsudski, and the skilfully created legend about him as the first fighter for independence are only part of the prerequisites that provided him with the support of democratic forces. A very strong influence on the position of these forces was exerted by the very fact of competition between Pilsudice and the National Democracy, around which in the first years of independence most of the Polish propertied classes rallied and whose right-wing image did not cause any doubts. This most representative camp of the bourgeois trend in 1918-1926, 43 which already had a wide influence in all three parts of divided Poland, fearing the negative impact of the direct seizure of the helm of power on the state of popular sentiment, limited itself to the role of the most influential "pressure group"until 1921. His tactics underwent a fundamental change only after the process of forming the borders and internal structure of the bourgeois republic was completed, and the failure of attempts to take power into their own hands based on a strong parliamentary majority caused the strengthening of anti-democratic tendencies personified by him. More and more clearly , especially after the fall of the so-called Hien-Piast government in 1923, 44 its actions showed tendencies to limit the restrictions authorized by the March 1921 Constitution. principles of bourgeois democracy, mainly at the expense of national minorities.

42 See also: Z. Hemmerling. Ruch ludowy w Wielkopolsce 1919 - 1939. War-szawa. 197'1.

43 Подробнее мы пишем об этом в: R. Wapinski. Proba konsolidacji polskich klas posiadajacych pod hegemonig Naroclowej Demokracji w latach 1918 - 1926. "Dzieje burzuazji w Polsce". Studia i materialy. T. I. Wroclaw. 1974.

44 This was the name of the Government of V. Vitos, which was established in 1923 on the basis of an agreement concluded by the PSL-Piast, the National Democracy and the Christian Democracy.

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Further movement of the Endeks to the right, to positions ideologically close to the fascist movements, came after the May coup of 1926, which brought victory in the struggle for power to the rival camp of Pilsudice. Since December 1926, when the main ideologist of the Endeks, R. Dmowski, initiated the creation of the "Greater Poland Camp", National democracy has been undergoing an accelerated ideological and political evolution, which in 1932-1934 ended with its adoption of the principles of extreme nationalism and anti - democracy. From a force that advocated the conservative model of a parliamentary bourgeois republic, National Democracy became the most serious fascist force on Polish soil, fighting not only against the left-wing groups of society, but also against those who professed liberal-bourgeois views.

The evolution of the other main camp of the bourgeois current, Pilsudčina, was more complex. Having become almost the only ruling camp after May 1926, it not only revealed its social face, but also significantly changed its character, absorbing a number of political and social groups previously associated with National Democracy or with other political trends. In the future, however, this camp did not have a clearly defined and detailed program, limiting itself to actually putting forward slogans that were not precisely defined to "improve" relations (this solved the question of its new name - "rehabilitation") and spreading "state ideology"45 . In his activities, he enjoyed a much greater degree of support from the state administration apparatus and the officer corps cleared of political opponents than that provided by the internally poorly cohesive political organization " Non-Partisan Block of Cooperation with the Government "(BBVR). The heterogeneity of its political groupings, ranging from conservative to syndicalist, gave it considerable chances of infiltrating various strata of society, but at the same time made it impossible for it to achieve ideological and political unity. Pilsudczyk was not able to provide it in full and within the framework of the "Camp of National Unification" (OZN) that emerged after the dissolution of the BBVR, although both the declaration of February 21, 1937, and other program documents of the OZN Can be considered as an expression of aspirations aimed at giving this new political organization of the ruling camp a more consolidated character. This, in particular, should have been served by a clearer presentation of nationalist slogans, largely taken from the rival camp-National Democracy. As a result, there was a certain rapprochement between the two camps, mainly on the grounds of anti-democracy and extreme nationalism.

However, the fact that the creators and leaders of the OZN borrowed some of the Endek program slogans at the same time contributed to further strengthening the decomposition of the main core of the rehabilitation camp, which was Pilsudczyk. This disintegration was revealed with great force after the death of Pilsudski in 1935, and its external expression was the dissolution of the BBVR after the 1935 elections to the Sejm boycotted by a significant part of the population. Outside the OZN was a part of pilsudczyk, who were supporters of the Conservative-authoritarian system of government. But, perhaps, the most characteristic.-

45 The most complete (and so far the only) description of all the political groups of the sanation was given by T. Jdruszczak (T. Jgdruszczak. Piisudczycy bez Pilsud-skiego. Powstanie Obozu Zjednoczenia Narodowego w 1937 roku. Warszawa. 1963).

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A continuation of the ongoing disintegration of the ruling camp was the transition to the opposition of those figures and political groups who supported a more or less broad system of liberal-democratic government. This process was, in fact, started already during the so-called Brest elections46, and developed more widely in 1936-1938, which led, in particular, to the emergence of the Democratic Party 47 .

The increase in international tension in 1938 and the growing sense of threat to Poland from Germany led to some restraint in the further evolution of the main political trends, but, as it seems to us, they did not completely eliminate it. After all, the danger of fascist aggression against Poland could only have had an impact on a certain softening of certain antagonisms and helped to dampen the daily political struggle, but it was not able to eliminate the fundamental differences that existed between the bourgeois and the other two trends. It was not only the ideological and political differences that were decisive, but also the extent to which they were spread. After all, among the diverse consequences of independence, the political activation of significant circles of Polish society occupied one of the main places. At the same time, it was accompanied by a deepening polarization of positions, which made it easier, in particular, to free the masses from the influence of the ideology of national solidarity.

On the whole, therefore, it can be argued that the acquisition of independence was crucial not only for the growth of political revival in the country, but also for the more clear identification of the class contradictions that were tearing apart Polish society. Nor can we underestimate the influence exerted by a generation that became actively involved in political life after the stabilization of Poland as an independent state and which was significantly less burdened by the memory of long-term national captivity. It is hardly accidental that it is precisely in the circles of the younger generation, which has been increasingly involved in the activities of certain political movements since the early 1930s, that ideologically more unambiguous Program concepts are most popular (especially since we are dealing with this phenomenon in both left and right circles). It is enough to recall here the influence exerted by figures who left the Union of Rural Youth "Vici" on the process of consolidation and radicalization of the Ludovite movement after 1931, or the readiness of the Youth Organization of the Association of Workers ' Universities associated with the PPP to cooperate closely with the Communist youth .48 We are dealing with the same situation in the right-wing movement, especially in the National Democracies. The evolution of this camp towards fascism was also largely due to the mood of nationalist circles of young people. This clearly visible participation of the younger generation, who grew up in general already in the conditions of independence, in the polarization of the positions of the main political trends was really manifested in the sphere of their unification - overcoming the consequences of the long-term split in the political unity of the Polish lands.

46 of Vyborg in 1930, which were preceded by the arrests and imprisonment in the Brest Fortress of the leaders of the legal democratic opposition.

47 "Materialy do historii Klubow Demokratycznych i Stronnictwa Demokratycznego w latach 1937 - 1939". Cz. 1. Warszawa. 1964, stf. 5 - 130.

48 Cм. E. Rudzinski. Dzialalnosc polityczna OM TUR w latach 1931 - 1936. Warszawa. 1962.

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