Member of the Central Committee of the Communist Party of Denmark A. Jensen

The storming of the Winter Palace in October 1917 was of particular significance not only for the workers and peasants of Russia, but also for the working people of the whole world. The seizure of political power by the Russian workers and Lenin's Decree on Peace had an inspiring effect on workers all over the world. The abolition of the exploitation of man by man and socialist construction in Russia showed that capitalist oppression and humiliation of man are not eternal and inevitable, and that the class struggle opens the way for workers to eliminate the exploitation of man by man in all countries. The foreign policy of the Soviet Union, which is based on the principles of peaceful coexistence of States with different social systems, shows humanity today a way out of the state of international tension and the arms race. This not only made the Soviet state - the first workers 'and peasants' state in the world - a recognized political factor. The concept of communism has entered the daily life of the working people. Thanks to V. I. Lenin, the Bolsheviks, and the CPSU, scientific socialism was put into practice and acquired its own flesh.

Unfortunately, the Soviet State's call for an end to the World War in 1917 did not lead to general peace negotiations. Only the Soviet government made an effort to get out of the carnage. In March 1918, negotiations between Soviet Russia and Germany ended with the signing of a peace treaty in Brest-Litovsk. But the young Soviet state did not receive peace. For three years, it was forced to fight with external and internal enemies. The propertied classes that were formerly in power in Russia and the large financial capital of other countries were united in their desire to sink the October Revolution, the Soviet power in blood, just as it was done with the Paris Commune in its time.

The Soviet state won all the battles because its policies served the interests of the workers and peasants. It was supported by the international working class, which came out with solidarity actions. They also took place in Denmark, where the bourgeoisie also sided with the counter-revolution. This was reflected, in particular, in the fact that Denmark did not want to recognize the Soviet state, even though the Danish envoy X. Skavenius was recalled from Russia only in December 1918, and also that the Danish government, contrary to the law, allowed Danes to be recruited into the Westenholz expeditionary force sent to the Baltic States. To a large extent, these actions were attributed to the Danish royal house's close ties to the Romanov dynasty and large Danish investments in tsarist Russia.

The October Revolution was perceived differently by the Danish working class, which has always been very sympathetic to the activities of Russian revolutionaries. He had close ties with Russian social workers.-

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Democrats in Denmark. Correspondence between Lenin, who was in exile, and his associates in Russia was often carried out through intermediaries in Copenhagen. A growing number of Danes saw the Bolshevik policy and their seizure of power in October 1917 as a path to the future for the working class, for Denmark as a whole. Supporting the October Revolution, one of the leaders of social-democracy, F. I. Borgbjerg, who was then editor of the newspaper Sotsial-Demokraten, wrote in December 1917 in the vanguard "Revolyutsiya i Zaholustye": "We, who studied with Marx and Engels, do not measure the Russian revolution by the yard of a bourgeois backwater... Future generations will read with enthusiasm and fire in their eyes about the great Russian revolution-the beginning of a new era." It took Borgbjerg a long time to descend into petty-bourgeois backwater narrowness in his assessment of the workers ' power that had triumphed in Russia. But the class-conscious workers in and outside the Social-Democratic Party did not follow him. At the party congress in February 1918, a proposal was made to send greetings to the struggling Russian and Finnish workers. The statement was adopted unanimously, and the delegates gave a standing ovation to their fellow students.

The influence of the October Revolution on the Danish working class was also reflected in another way. Although Denmark was not involved in the First World War, the workers felt its heavy consequences. The war clearly showed how speculators profit at the expense of nations. Unemployment sparked powerful demonstrations against profiteers and exploitation. In February 1918, unemployed people stormed the stock exchange building in Copenhagen and threw out the "stock sharks". This movement bore the imprint of syndicalism. However, after the October Revolution, issues of a non-political nature in the labor movement increasingly began to recede into the background. The politically conscious wing of this movement is being strengthened. Opposition to the policy of civil peace pursued by the Social Democratic leaders led to the creation of the Socialist Workers ' Party in April 1918, on the eve of the Rigsdag elections. The most famous founders of the new party were M. Nielsen, O. Jorgensen and T. Tegersen. The name of the latter will forever remain in the Danish labor movement as one of its best representatives. A little later M. joined the party. Andersen Nexe, who greatly contributed to the growth of her fame among the public. History has preserved his polemic with Stauning and his participation in the "Hands Off the Soviet State!" campaign.

The Union of Social-Democratic Youth, which supported Zimmerwalt and actively fought against the social-democratic policy of civil peace and "ministerial socialism", under the influence of the October Revolution came out more consistently against the reformist policy. In the spring of 1919. The Union of Social-Democratic Youth has terminated its cooperation agreement with the party. The disparate forces of the socialists drew together, and on November 9, 1919, the left-Socialist party was formed. This was also facilitated by contacts with the forces that supported the creation of the Third International. At Lenin's suggestion, M. Nielsen was invited to take part in the founding congress of the Comintern. In 1920, the Left-Socialist Party joined the Communist International and adopted the name Communist Party of Denmark. It was this party that became the vanguard of the country's revolutionary forces, actively promoting the ideas of the October Revolution and advocating the development of friendly relations with Soviet Russia.

The revolutionary movement opposed not only the blockade of the Soviet State, but also the restoration of ties with Soviet Russia. She was also interested in it. As early as 1918, Lenin signed the-

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There was a decree on the use of 10 million rubles for the purchase of seeds and plants in Denmark, with 1 million rubles allocated for the purchase of artificial fertilizers and 1 million rubles for the purchase of medicines. Later in the same year, another decree was adopted on the use of 20 million rubles for the purchase of seeds.

Danish capitalism, which suffered a serious blow from the October Revolution, was interested in the elimination of Soviet power and assumed that this would happen in the near future. The mood on this score in bourgeois circles was so optimistic that in connection with another statement about the fall of Soviet power, one of the bourgeois journalists wrote:: "It's a pity that it all ended so quickly. Now there is no way to be convinced that socialism cannot be put into practice." This "over-optimist" was overjoyed too soon. As the Danes say, you can't pay the bill without a host, and this hapless journalist certainly tried to do it. He had no idea what creative powers and abilities the Russian working class possessed. The young Soviet state persevered and implemented measures that consolidated the power of the workers and peasants and marked the beginning of socialist transformations.

As hopes of dealing with Soviet Russia through blockade, counterrevolution, and intervention diminished, there was growing support for the workers ' movement's demand for normal relations with the Soviet State from certain financial circles, primarily those who had invested in the former Russian Empire before the revolution. Danish business associations have created a Committee for establishing ties with the RSFSR - the so-called Russian Commission of Economic Organizations. She tried to establish contacts with M. M. Litvinov, who was in Copenhagen in 1919 with the aim of concluding an agreement with England on the exchange of prisoners of war. However, a violent press campaign against these contacts led to the fact that the committee's efforts were not crowned with success. The Danish government did not give Litvinov permission to stay in the country, and when he later, while in Norway, again requested permission to enter Denmark, they refused him a second time.

The situation turned out to be more favorable when L. B. Krasin arrived in Copenhagen as a representative of the Centrosoyuz, a cooperative organization that was considered independent of the Soviet government in the West. Director of the National Bank E. Gluckstadt and head of the Transatlantic Company H. Plume established contacts with Krasin. On April 23, 1920, an agreement was signed to establish an international clearing house in Copenhagen to facilitate trade with the RSFSR. The Entente powers opposed this agreement, claiming that the question of reparations had not yet been resolved. Therefore, the 1920 agreement remained on paper. The Israeli government, which had been in favor of the agreement, was forced to resign. According to the majority, this was allegedly due to the position that it took on the issue of the upcoming definition of the border between Denmark and Germany. In fact, his downfall was the result of intrigues wove around the royal court by financial groups that owned an East Asian company, White immigrants, and members of the Romanov family. This version is confirmed by the fact that the new government, which was strongly influenced by the East Asian Company group, was opposed to the agreement with Soviet Russia and in every possible way prevented all attempts aimed at its conclusion. The Politiken newspaper, then the ruling party's organ, described this position during the 1920 election campaign as "stupid Danish politics"

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When negotiations on the normalization of relations between the Soviet state and the Scandinavian countries were held in Stockholm in early 1921, the Danish Russian Commission of Economic Organizations, which was interested in concluding agreements, also took part in them. However, the Government in which X was the Minister of Foreign Affairs. Scavenius, has broken off negotiations. In December 1921, the chairman of the Social Democratic Party, T. Stauning, criticized the policy of sabotage in relation to the conclusion of agreements with the Soviet state.

Efforts to overcome this sabotage have also been made on the other side. In December 1921, the Great Northern Telegraph Company received a concession in the Soviet state. Previously expropriated property was returned to the Company, and it, in turn, undertook to observe the pre-emptive right of the Soviet state to telegraph communication and control over it. In the same year, M. Andersen Nexe agreed to head the Committee for Establishing Trade and Cultural Ties with the Soviet state. The Danish Government could not continue to maintain its previous positions. At the end of 1922, it tried, through its envoy in Bern, to resume negotiations with Soviet Russia on a trade agreement, as well as on participation in an agricultural exhibition that was to be held in Moscow in the summer of 1923. At the same time, it clearly tried to play on the possible interest of the Soviet Union in getting acquainted with the experience of highly developed agriculture in Denmark. However, the ruling circles of the country still had certain doubts about the issue of compensation for the expropriation of the property of Danish capitalists after the October Revolution. But these doubts were no longer as weighty as before.

In early 1923, a Danish delegation was sent to Moscow for negotiations. By April 23, the negotiations had progressed so far that an interim agreement was prepared between Denmark and the Soviet Union. It was about de facto recognition of the USSR and mutual granting of a number of rights in the field of customs duties, shipping, transportation and transport. Official representatives of both States and members of delegations were required to refrain from conducting, supporting or encouraging any hostile political propaganda. Since this agreement caused violent protests from conservatives, it was put up for discussion in the Rigsdag, where it was approved by an overwhelming majority.

The Soviet State and the Danish working class made efforts to conclude agreements between the two States. At the same time, a fundraiser was held in Denmark for the purchase of medicines for seriously wounded Red Army soldiers, as well as for the starving population of the Volga region. All these efforts proved fruitful, and as a result, the way was paved for de jure recognition of the USSR. It took, however, another full year before this happened on June 18, 1924.

The Committee for Establishing Trade and Cultural Ties with the Soviet Union was transformed on April 23, 1924 into the Danish-Russian Friendship Society. The secretary of the Copenhagen Consumer Cooperatives Association, G. Bolgan, became the first chairman of this society. The founders considered it an absolutely necessary tool for spreading information about the common interests of Denmark and the USSR and about the Soviet Union, its social, economic, political and cultural life, which was especially necessary during the years when the campaign of harassment of the young state of workers and peasants was being waged and attempts were being made to create a distorted image of the socialist construction

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Only a few people in Denmark understood what the new state was like. A certain clarity in the Danes ' ideas about the Soviet Union was brought by their stories by the delegations of workers who visited it in the late 1920s. This was also supported by the work of M. Andersen Nexe. Great enthusiasm was caused by his book "At dawn", published in 1922. It was in the 1920s that he was the most popular speaker on the Soviet Union.

The Soviet struggle for peaceful coexistence in Denmark was ignored or, at best, belittled. The reaction reveled in stories about how badly things were going under socialism. Electrification, collectivization of agriculture, and the first five-year plan were presented as complete failures. Nevertheless, it remained an indisputable fact that the world crisis of 1929-1933 did not affect the Soviet Union. The results of socialist construction in the USSR still made an impression on the ruling circles of Denmark. Otherwise, the Prime Minister of the Social-democratic government, Stauning, would hardly have spoken in 1932 about the need for a planned economy. He did nothing, however, to make use of the experience gained by the USSR in building socialism, and in general did not understand the importance that the Soviet Union had for the security and future of Denmark and its people. Even when the expansionist plans of German imperialism, expressed in Hitler's speeches, began to threaten the territorial integrity of Denmark, neither Stauning nor his colleagues understood the significance of the Soviet idea of collective security in Europe.

There was a lot of evidence that the USSR not only in words, but also in deeds sought to create collective security in Europe. The agreement of the Soviet Union and France with Czechoslovakia to help the latter in the event of aggression against it was not only a warning to Hitlerite Germany, but also an expression of the USSR's readiness to provide assistance to the countries threatened by it. While Poland openly opposed assistance from the Soviet Union, Denmark and other small European countries refused to comply with the sanctions obligations contained in the League of Nations Charter. Whatever the reasons for this refusal, he could only encourage the Fascist aggressors. And it cannot be excused by the fact that Daladier and Chamberlain, as a result of the Munich Agreement, abandoned Czechoslovakia to the mercy of the aggressor, thereby opening the way for Hitler to the east.

Hitler's aggression could be stopped only by the collective action of the States that were threatened by fascism, and not by encouraging its aggressive aspirations and yielding to the aggressors. If France and England might have hoped for an easy outcome of the war, Denmark might not. Although it was not, of course, in a position to direct the policies of the larger capitalist states, it could, however, by its decisive action, perhaps in conjunction with other small countries, make a certain impression on the Western powers, especially since the Soviet Union,by its conduct in the League of Nations and the treaty with Czechoslovakia, clearly showed that the Soviet Union was not that he stands on the side of small states that were threatened by fascist aggression. Denmark, on the other hand, refused any solidarity with other countries in repelling the aggressor, and, moreover, in May 1939 concluded a non-aggression pact with Hitler, which in reality did not give it any security. Denmark's policy has created additional obstacles to the collective security that the Soviet Union so tirelessly sought to create. And when he was, in fact, betrayed by all the other states of Europe, by concluding a non-aggression pact with Berlin, he avoided being drawn into the war in the fall

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In 1939, certain circles in Denmark attacked the Soviet Union, as well as those Danes who boldly pointed out the true state of affairs.

The short-sightedness of the Danish statesmen was also reflected in the policy of cooperation that they pursued from the first day of the Nazi occupation-April 9, 1940, in the desire to secure a place in Hitler's "new Europe" and in joining the Anti-Comintern Pact after the Danish government broke off diplomatic relations with the Soviet Union, and the Communist Party of Denmark (KPD) it was outlawed in August 1941, contrary to the Constitution. Even in 1943, more than six months after the Battle of Stalingrad, the social Democratic leaders of Denmark opposed the Communists and the Resistance movement, who fought alongside the Soviet Union and the partisans of other countries captured by the Nazis. These leaders did not even stop at claiming that the Communists were allegedly chauvinists and paid agents.

The same part of the Danish people who fought against the invaders clearly understood the great importance of the USSR's contribution to the struggle against the common enemy, and was aware of the duty of the Danish people to participate in this struggle. Steps were taken to merge the Danish-Russian Friendship Society and the Society of "Friends of the Soviet Union" into a broader organization. In 1940, the Soviet agricultural Exhibition was held in Copenhagen in this connection. However, Hitler's attack on the Soviet Union occurred before the creation of a new association of supporters of friendship with the Soviet Union was completed in Denmark. Activists of the movement were arrested and imprisoned in concentration camps. But even in the conditions of the underground, the organization operated, albeit on a limited scale, publishing, in particular, illegal newspapers.

The first broad unification of the forces of the Resistance movement in Denmark took place in early 1942, when the organization "Free Denmark" was created, which included conservatives, radicals, Social Democrats, communists and non-partisans. In addition to the political actions carried out from the first days of the occupation, the first acts of sabotage and popular demonstrations in the form of strikes were held in 1943. Dissatisfaction with the occupation authorities grew, and opposition to the policy of cooperation with the Nazis and their exploitation of Denmark took more and more concrete forms in enterprises and trade unions. The victory of the Red Army at Stalingrad and the subsequent defeats of Hitler's troops had an inspiring effect on the Danish people. The resistance took such broad forms that Hitler was forced to demand from the Danish "government of obedience", the introduction of a state of emergency in the country. Since the politicians who had previously collaborated with Nazi Germany saw that they could not comply with this order and rejected the Fuhrer's demand, the Wehrmacht itself declared a state of emergency in the country and after that completely ignored the Danish government.

As a result of the growth of the Resistance movement and the emergence of new groups, on September 16, 1943, the Freedom Council was created - a coordinating body for the fight against the invaders. He developed a program for the post-war development of the country, but at the same time declared his readiness to disband himself after Denmark became free again. In accordance with its stated goals, the Soviet Union advocated cooperation with both the West and the USSR, and, of course, sought to establish strong ties with the Soviet Union. This led to the fact that in 1944 T. Dessing went to Moscow as a representative of the struggling Denmark. At the same time, consultations were held in Stockholm between representatives of the Freedom Council and the Soviet Government. All this contributed to the growth of the authority of the Svoboda Council and to the creation of the necessary conditions for its development.-

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in order to view Denmark in the post-war period as an ally in the anti-Hitler coalition.

There were anti-Soviet and anti-Communist elements in the Resistance movement who tried to sow fear of the possibility of Denmark's liberation by the Soviet Army. However powerful the forces behind these elements may have been, they could not diminish the Soviet Union's contribution to the defeat of Hitler's Germany. When a government was created in Denmark after the liberation with the influential participation of representatives of the Resistance movement, its head, V. Buhl, said:: "Denmark is forever indebted to the Soviet Union." An attempt to replace the representative of the Resistance movement in Moscow, T. Dessing, with a professional diplomat was then thwarted. Later, reactionary forces tried to use the Soviet liberation of Bornholm Island and the rapid advance of the Red Army west along the Baltic Sea coast to sow doubts among the population about the intentions of the USSR.

The attitude towards the Soviet Union in Denmark has changed in a positive direction. This was most clearly expressed in the statement of the Minister of Foreign Affairs of the Liberation Government at the plenum of the Central Committee of the Communist Party of the Soviet Union in August 1945. Expressing gratitude to the Communists for telling the Danish people the truth about the USSR and its progressive goals earlier than anyone else, K. Moeller expressed hope for maintaining good relations "with the great, strong Soviet Union"in the future. In accordance with this position, he personally participated in the transformation of the Danish-Russian Friendship Society, which became a broad and strong organization. It included representatives of political parties, industrial enterprises, and large organizations, including the central union of trade unions. The society, which later became known as the Society of Friendship between Denmark and the Soviet Union, played a major role in improving relations between the two countries, in spreading the truth about the USSR during the Cold War.

In order to undermine sympathy for the Soviet Union and the Communists, a campaign was launched in Denmark on the eve of the municipal elections in March 1946 under the slogan "Russians will never leave Bornholm". The authorities, of course, knew the true situation. Already at that time, negotiations were underway on the abandonment of the island by Soviet troops. It was quite clear that the Soviets intended to withdraw their troops from Bornholm as soon as their tasks were completed there. A week after the communal elections, the Red Army was able to leave Bornholm, and Denmark pledged not to allow foreign troops to be deployed on the island. By the way, the reason for the anti-Soviet campaign was not the presence of foreign troops in Denmark, the British units did not arouse such suspicion among the ruling circles as the Soviet ones, and left Denmark only in 1947.

Despite the fact that the Danish authorities cooperated during the war with the powers of the Hitler coalition, Denmark, thanks to the contribution of its Resistance movement to the common cause of the fight against fascism, received the status of an ally after the war. As a result, it was represented at the founding Conference of the United Nations in 1946, and in January 1947 joined the Potsdam Agreement. The Government's statement on this issue received support from all parties represented in the Rigsdag.

However, soon the Danish government, led by the Social Democrats, began to develop plans for the creation of a Scandinavian defense alliance. The social-democratic leaders, who at one time rejected the idea of a northern defensive alliance against Nazi Germany, now called for the creation of such an alliance against the U.S.S.R., which would have led to the creation of an alliance against the U.S.S.R.-

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to Torom, Denmark should be grateful for its release. It was recognized that this alliance should be a detour on the way to a military coalition being formed in Western Europe. In 1948, the Danish authorities allowed themselves to be deceived by the myth of an impending Soviet attack. Easter holidays for all military personnel were canceled, and the country's armed forces were put on alert. Although there was no basis for talk of a threat from the east, the Social Democratic government supported the anti-Soviet campaign by arming volunteer members of the Hemvern (Civil Defense Organization) and thereby being accommodating to Western warmongers. When the organizers of the anti-Soviet campaign began to claim that the USSR intended to take over Western Europe and had the necessary military power for this, the Danish government and a number of political leaders, along with the radio and press, joined in this propaganda hype. The campaign resulted in Denmark joining NATO in March 1949. Then they argued that the member countries of this organization will not have to take military obligations greater than they themselves determine for themselves. But soon the service life of those liable for military service in Denmark was extended and there was talk of creating a Western European army.

Under such conditions, the peace movement developed in Denmark. He managed to mobilize many residents of the country. Together with the Communists, the radical party voted against its entry into NATO. The Stockholm appeal for the prohibition of atomic weapons has collected almost 200 thousand signatures in Denmark. The protest movement against Germany's involvement in the Western European defense alliance was so widely supported that never before in the history of the Rigsdag have parliamentarians received such a large number of protest resolutions.

Neither anti-Sovietism nor the Cold War was able to obliterate the crimes of Nazi tyranny or erase from memory the facts that speak of the enormous contribution of the Soviet people to the struggle against the common enemy. Interest in the USSR and the desire to get to know it better remained very strong. But it was only in 1950 that it became possible to send a large representative delegation to the USSR. In 1954, the university rectors agreed to take part in such a trip. However, the Danish authorities prevented this. But the delegation still left for the Soviet Union. Its members included prominent politicians, scientists and writers. Nevertheless, the Folketing left unanswered a letter from the Supreme Soviet of the USSR proposing an exchange of parliamentary delegations. The Communist faction demanded that the Folketing leadership respond to this appeal. In the end, a positive response was given, a delegation was formed, including representatives of all political parties, and an agreement was reached on the date of the trip - May 1956.

This led to the fact that the Prime Minister of Denmark spoke in favor of sending a government delegation to the USSR even before the parliamentarians went there. Prime Minister H. K. Hansen and Minister of Culture J. Bomholt visited the Soviet Union in February-March 1956. Denmark's attitude to the Soviet Union has changed markedly. But overall, bilateral relations have not developed quite smoothly. The Danish authorities obeyed, for example, the NATO dictate banning the export of so-called strategic goods to the USSR, which meant, in particular, depriving the Burmeister og Vine shipyard of the right to supply certain types of ships to the USSR, which resulted in an increase in unemployment among Danish workers. Events in Poland and Hungary in the autumn of 1956 were used as a pretext for a new campaign against the Soviet Union and the world of socialism.

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Despite the rampant anti-Sovietism, an agreement on cultural cooperation was signed between Denmark and the Soviet Union in the 1960s. In Denmark, the desire to prevent the outbreak of a new world war was growing. This was reflected, in particular, in the support of the Soviet proposal to hold a conference on security and cooperation in Europe. And when, after lengthy negotiations, the meeting was finally held in Helsinki, it was largely due to the tireless struggle of the USSR and its unwavering belief in peaceful coexistence. But the Helsinki meeting would not have become a reality if the policy of the Soviet Union, aimed at peaceful coexistence of states with different social systems, had not been supported by the peoples of the world as a policy that prevents the outbreak of World War III.

The policy of peace pursued by the Soviet Union meets the interests of the peoples and is in clear contradiction with the goals of international monopolies, determined by the pursuit of profit. That is why they seek to block the way to further defuse tensions by accusing the USSR and the world of socialism of violating human rights and of an arms race. Similar claims were supported by the Danish government, which believes, in particular, that there is an alleged increase in the activity of the Soviet Navy in the Baltic Sea. It is characteristic that even the command of the Danish Navy, for its part, could not confirm this fact.

In the year of the 60th anniversary of the October Revolution, when everyone can see from the experience of history that the Soviet Union is constantly pursuing an active policy of peace and, by its very socialist nature, cannot have aggressive intentions, a new round of arms race begins at the initiative of the United States under the pretext of the Soviet threat. Prime Minister of Denmark A. Jorgensen said in this regard that NATO already has the power that this organization needs. Later, the Danish Defense Minister drew attention to the fact that it is unlikely that it will be possible to increase military spending by another 3%, as required by the NATO leadership. Such statements are made clearly under the influence of popular sentiments. Many Social Democrats, in view of the imperialist forces ' attempts to disrupt the process of detente, admit that there is no acceptable alternative to it.

As we celebrate the 60th anniversary of the October Revolution, we are witnessing that the Soviet Union's peace initiatives and foreign policy are increasingly supported, as the Soviet state, by destroying capitalist oppression and building a developed socialist society, as reflected in the new Constitution of the USSR, has shown exploited and suffering humanity the path to freedom, peace and prosperity. progress. It was only thanks to the power of the Soviet Union and its prudent policies that, in the 32 years since World War II, military adventurers have been deterred, despite difficult conditions and often very tense situations. But this would not have happened without the support of the popular forces, which were mobilized by the Communist and workers ' parties. The Danish Communists, who have made a modest contribution to this common struggle, believe that in doing so they are contributing to the development of the struggle for greater detente, disarmament, peace and social progress.

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