Although the Christian professional movement has been the object of historical research relatively recently, it already has an extensive literature. Most of the writings on this subject belong to clerical and Christian-syndicalist historiography .1 There are also special works about trade unions and sections about them in general works. This is not surprising: Christian trade unions are an essential component of the church's activities. The main task of clerical historiography is to prove the wisdom of the church's social program, to support the thesis of the eternity and divinity of its principles, which supposedly only point the way to social prosperity. In the presence of certain shades in the interpretation of particular problems, the literary products of the ideologists of the church are monotonous and tendentious in nature. Of course, it has features that distinguish it from the rest of bourgeois historiography, but there are many things that they have in common - first of all, a common class basis, as well as anti-historicism in the depiction of social phenomena.

Actually, historical works on Christian syndicalism began to appear in the 20s of this century. The first place among them belongs to the book of Pater Zh. Arendt - a kind of anthology intended as a textbook for the higher school of Christian workers of Belgium 2 . Arendt emphasizes the independence of Christian syndicalism, which allegedly arose on the initiative of the workers themselves, and the episcopate only patronized it. The author is a supporter of social Catholicism, he rejects the idea of equality, and even more so - communism. As a champion of free enterprise, Arendt sees trade unions as a factor of order and a tool for improving production methods and raising the morale of workers. In his opinion, the trade union organization should be guided in its activities by the concepts of justice, mercy and other Christian principles. He recommends that trade union leaders behave "calmly, politely, cautiously" during strikes and generally focus on educational work. Arendt's book also contains gross falsifications dictated by political considerations. The author downplayed the number of members of the Profintern, ignored the Italian trade union movement, obviously not wanting to touch on the problem of fascism.

Published a little earlier by the Catholic University of Louvain, the work of A. Misson3 is less rich in facts, and its ideas are a kind of response to the events of the world revolutionary upsurge. Considering the question of the interaction of syndicates, employers and workers, the author formulated his credo as follows: socialists see only a permanent war between them and others, Catholics, on the contrary, only want peace, a peaceful agreement between classes, therefore, trade unions should be built on a Christian basis. In 1924, a collection of memoirs of the founders of the General Association of Christian Trade Unions in Germany (VOHP) was published. Nothing but-

1 See V. Rutenburg. The reactionary essence of modern clerical historiography. "Criticism of the latest bourgeois historiography. "Proceedings of the Leningrad Department of the Institute of History of the USSR Academy of Sciences", Issue 3, Moscow, l. 1961.

2 J. Arendt. La Nature, l'organisation et le programme des syndicats ouvriers cnretiens. P. 1926.

3 A. Misson. Le mouvement syndical. Son histoire en Belgique de 1800 a 1914. Namur. 1921.

page 180
The collection does not contribute much to the interpretation of its history, except for clarifying some details concerning the emergence of Christian unions in various parts of the country. The authors of the memoirs especially vividly described the "persecutions" that they were subjected to in the "free" trade unions, which were under the influence of social democracy, which allegedly prompted them to seek the truth in the social theories of the church. The reliability of these data can be judged from the statements of one of the authors of the collection, I. Wiedeberg: "Although I never attended a social-democratic trade union meeting, I was nevertheless convinced that the 'free' trade unions are social-democratic teamsters. " 4 Schirmer's autobiographical pamphlet5, he said, was intended to make "a small contribution to the history of our movement" in Germany. An experienced politician, he repeatedly emphasizes the independence of Christian trade unions from the Center Party, which did not prevent him from accepting the proposed party's deputy mandate in the Bavarian Landtag and Reichstag.

After the victory of the Great October Socialist Revolution, bourgeois historiography tried to discredit revolutionary ideas, to prove that compromises and evolution, rather than struggle, were the driving force of social life. Thus, Chaplain A. Piper in his pamphlet 6 argued that capitalism can be overcome supposedly only by the spirit of community and brotherly love. In another pamphlet7, it was suggested that the Christian labor movement was implementing the idea of a Christian community that had emerged a thousand years before the advent of the working class. The task of the believing workers is to re-implement this idea, that is, the reformist idea of a class world in a Christian shell. F.'s job Hemaly, a theorist of Austrian Christian trade unions, presents data on the trade union movement in some European countries, as well as brief information on the International Confederation of Christian Trade Unions (ICCP).8 The author tries to prove the advantages of Christianity over the socialist teaching. Repeating the traditional version about the origins of Christian syndicalism, he nevertheless notes the positive experience of joint actions of German "free" and Christian trade unions during the First World War and the November Revolution of 1918, which ended with a business cooperation agreement.

M. Thurmann wrote a popular book about the French Christian Professional Center (FKHT) 9 . It recognizes that Christian trade unions are founded by social Catholics (i.e., those spiritual and secular persons who have carried out the social teaching of the Church in practice) and follow their guidelines in their activities. A small paragraph is given in the book and the ICCP, Unlike Hemala Thurmann does not hide the internal disagreements and contradictions that once threatened its very existence. Thurmann's position indirectly reflected the discontent of the FKHT leaders with the predominance of Germans in the MKHP.

Bishop G. Walterbach, in his pamphlet 10, deplores the past times when "masters and apprentices lived together peacefully in the workshops", and the social question allegedly did not exist. In the face of growing class conflicts and especially the "threat of Bolshevism", the only salvation, according to the bishop, is the Christian labor movement. Ten years later, an apology for Christian syndicalism was made by J. R. R. Tolkien. Zirnel, President of the FKHT and ICCP 11 . In his book, he raises the question of the relationship between the immediate and ultimate goals of the movement. Zirnel writes that the syndicate must have an ideal that inspires the workers even when the struggle does not bring immediate results. According to him, the social doctrine of the Church corresponds to this ideal. Its dogmatic intransigence breaks through in a declarative statement: Christian syndicalism is guided by a doctrine and principles about the essence of which there can be no slightest discussion. However, why FKHT

4 "25 Jahre christliche Gewerkschaftsbewegung". B. 1924.

5 "50 Jahre Arbeit von Karl Schirmer". Duisburg. 1924.

6 A. Pieper. Die Verantwortung der Arbeiter nach der Revolution. 1922.

7 "Die geistigen Grundlagen der christlich-nationalen Arbeiterbewegung". B. 1923.

8 F. Hemala. Geschichte der Gewerkschaften. Wien. 1922.

9 M. Turmann. Le syndicalisme chretien en France. P. 1929.

10 G. Walterbach. Die Entwicklung der christlichen Arbeiterbewegung in Suddeutschland. Munchen. 1926.

11 J. Zirnheld. Cinquante annees de syndicalisme Chretien. P. 1937.

page 181
is it still a small organization? The reason for this, Zirnel sees, is not that Christian syndicalism cannot indicate a way out of social slavery, but rather the atheism of the workers. The author has wrongly accused the vast majority of French workers of being amorphous and lacking the desire for professional organization at the end of the nineteenth century. His other thesis, about the indifference of Catholic circles to Christian unions, is refuted by the writings of the churchmen themselves.

The Second World War, which brought about a radical change in the balance of power in favor of socialism, also meant a sharp turn in the mindset of workers, including believers. However, the post-war publications of clerics and trade union leaders still bear the stamp of conservatism. Abbe Romain reproduces in his book 12 the traditional accusations against capitalism, which has turned man into a commodity. Christian trade unions, in his opinion, are designed to raise people spiritually, because their main function, as he believes, is moral: to foster good relations between the worker and the entrepreneur. Romain's book is imbued with the spirit of vulgar anti-communism. The author attributes to social Catholicism the role of the heir of utopian socialism, whose ideas he allegedly implements. In describing the history of the Popular Front in France, he rejects everything connected with the policy of" outstretched hand " towards Catholics, which was so fruitfully carried out by the Communists. Yet his work also bears the stamp of the era. Romain calls the idea of the political neutrality of trade unions illusions, the game of fools. R. Goetz-Girey develops similar ideas 13 . An apologist for the Christian trade union movement, he polemics with right-wing socialists, who emphasize only the anti-revolutionary nature of Christian trade unions, their intention to improve the existing system without changing its foundations. The author does not deny the correctness of this statement, he only believes that the CCFT is no more conservative than the English trade unions. The doctrine of Christian syndicalism accepts cooperation with entrepreneurs, regulates the right to strike, and promotes the development of institutions of "complicity" and" co-ownership " of property. But by its very nature, Goetz-Giray believes, Christian syndicalism is a proponent of state intervention in conflicts between workers and entrepreneurs in order to ensure the social rights of workers.

In 1950, the work of the Italian historian L. R. San Severino on the Christian trade union14 was published . In her treatment of the main problems, the author has not advanced a single step in comparison with traditional clerical views. It is aware that in the post-World War II period the social issue has come to the fore, but it sees only one way to resolve it: to review the "system of distribution of social benefits". By proclaiming its mission to provide the reader with "objective material," San Severino actually offered another panegyric on Christian syndicalism, which, in her opinion, should exist as long as there are trade unions with different socio-political ideologies, until the entire trade union movement becomes Christian, that is, based on the ideals of brotherhood. equality and freedom. One of the founders of the Swiss trade union center, A. Heil, in his work15 also emphasizes that the task of the Christian trade union movement is the implementation of social justice and love. The author is clearly concerned about the growing influence of the ideas of class struggle and socialism on the working people. Former president of the Canadian Catholic Trade Center A. Charpentier published a collection of articles16 about the goals and methods of action of the unions included in this trade union center. He himself defined the meaning of his published speeches as an appeal to the spirit of cooperation between entrepreneurs, so that they both live "in mutual harmony, mutual assistance and mutual love."17
12 Romain. Le syndicalisme en France. Zille. 1945.

13 R. Goetz-Girey. La pensee syndicale Frangaise. P. 1948.

14 L. R. Sanseverino. II movimento syndicale cristiano. Dal. 1850 al 1939. R. 1950.

15 A. Heil. Die christlichen Gewerkschaften. In: G. Schmid. Volker an der Arbeit. Zurich. 1951, S. 217 - 236.

16 A. Charpentier. L'Orientation des relations patronalles ouvrieres. Montreal. 1956.

17 J. P. Despres. Le mouvement ouvrier Canadien. Montreal. 1937, p. 73.

page 182
As before, the Catholic University of Louvain remains the center of clerical thought, and its scientific output is marked by an emphasis on keeping up with the era, taking into account the experience and achievements of progressive historiography, filling its publications with modern scientific terminology, and adhering to periodization that corresponds to major events in world history. Of course, religious-idealistic philosophy remains the foundation of the worldview of all those who , like R. Rezoazi18, consider Louvain their "alma mater". R. Rezoasi tries to draw a more or less objective picture of the life and struggle of the working people. He examines the sources of the formation of the proletariat, seeing them in the pauperization of the rural and urban population, shows how the isolated workers, deprived of organizations, were subjected to increased exploitation, examines the process of consolidation of the proletariat, the working conditions and everyday life of the workers. He writes that the revolutions of 1789 and 1830, while proclaiming the principles of freedom, equality and fraternity, did not put them into practice. Who can implement them? There is no hope for the bourgeoisie: she is psychologically blind to everything that lies outside her world of profit. This task, according to the author, can only be performed by social Catholics. However, all these tirades are of secondary importance and are only a tribute to the time.

In the main, in methodology, the author adheres to the views generally accepted in clerical literature: the program of social Catholicism is supposedly inspired by the wishes of the people, while the socialist program is determined by its philosophy. In some places, Rezoasy leaves the tone of unbiased academism, and then he portrays the workers as a" gang "of robbers or reproduces stereotypical Catholic fabrications about social-democratic "terror" against Christian syndicates. Like Arendt, Rezoasy sees Christian trade unions as a means of preserving the capitalist system and a factor of Christianization. Still, he is concerned about the state of the Christian trade union movement, which is in decline due to the infiltration of bureaucracy. The once dynamic propagandist, he complains, has now been replaced by an administrator, a routine worker who tends to work according to how his position is paid. The author is clearly disappointed by the scanty results of the church's centuries-old social activity.

Published under the editorship of the Belgian Pater S. Scholl, the voluminous work is a product of collective creativity of social Catholics in a number of Western European countries.19 The introductory article describes the doctrine and principles of Catholicism, its relationship with liberalism, socialism and "economic dictatorships". The main chapters contain detailed sketches of the Christian labor movement in European countries. In some respects, this book compares favorably with Rezoasi's work. In some cases, events of a really important nature are chosen as milestones for periodization. Of course, Scholl and his co-authors are far from Marxist principles of periodization: along with 1914 and 1918, they also include as their starting dates such years as 1916, when the law on changing the legal statute of trade unions was issued in Germany. The authors ' ideological and political concepts do not allow them to draw correct conclusions from the economic history of individual countries. What is characteristic is their recognition that there is nothing static in the world and that Karl Marx was right in asserting that the class struggle is the driving force of history. This recognition stands out sharply against the background of the usual cliched providentialist constructions for clerical literature, according to which history is a manifestation of divine providence. However, the class struggle is not at all the focus of Scholl's attention. The collection he edited is full of gross distortions of the historical process. It says that the Catholic Church began to patronize the bourgeoisie in 1789, and that the Great French bourgeois Revolution of the late eighteenth century was only a political, philosophical and religious revolution; it asserts that during the revolution of 1848 no one was interested in social problems in Germany and that there was no organized labor movement there until 1890, etc. Even the critical note addressed to Rerum Novarum in some essays does not change the general direction of this collection,

18 R. Rezsohazy. Origines et formation du catholicisme social en Belgique. Louvain. 1958.

19 S. H. Scholl. 150 ans de mouvement ouvriex chretien. Louvain-P. 1366.

page 183
which promotes the social actions of the church. The authors write that although communist, socialist and other theories existed before the Christian ones, all their programs were put at the service of only certain classes of society, while the mission of the church is global-it leads to universal salvation.

The Austrian clerical historian G. Silberbauer, in his book 20, formulates the goal of Catholics - to return the workers to the bosom of the church. But this requires appropriate pedagogical, socio-political and reform measures that will create the climate necessary for the development of the worker in the Christian spirit. The author reproaches the episcopate, which in the past showed blindness and passivity, which, however, was compensated, in his opinion, by the ardent participation of the lower clergy in solving the social issue. He also regrets that Catholicism was a cover for the authoritarian Austrian state of the 1930s. A significant place in the book is given to the history of the development of social institutions of the church. Interesting, in particular, is the evidence that not all delegates to the Christian workers ' congresses in Austria approved of the idea of a corporate estate state.

"The History of the Labor Movement and its trade union Centers in France" is published as the official publication of the French Democratic Confederation of Labor (formerly FKHT)21 . It reflects the evolutionary processes taking place in Christian syndicalism. The authors want to prove that the Christian trade union center appeared simultaneously with the emergence of the labor movement .22 Claiming that the Christian labor movement developed in organic connection with the entire labor movement, they are ready to declare themselves the heirs of everything heroic in the history of the working class in France - the uprisings of 1831-1834, the Paris Commune, described as "the first experience of taking power." The emphasized" objectivity " of the authors extends to the fact that the book contains portraits of Karl Marx and Franz Liszt. Engels, and V. I. Lenin is called the creator of the "new type of party". But in principle, the authors of this book do not deviate from the methodological concepts accepted in clerical historiography. It covers historical events from the perspective of the class world and anti-communism. The leitmotif of the entire publication is as follows: the world is changing, it is necessary to adapt to its evolution.

Bourgeois historiography did not leave a noticeable trace in the development of the problems of Christian syndicalism. A few works of the liberal direction are characterized by an accentuated objectivism, contain abundant factual data, and sometimes are not devoid of acute observation. This apparent impartiality, however, does not prevent bourgeois historians from repeating the stereotypical accusations of clerics against social democracy and "free" trade unions, who have allegedly declared war on Christian trade unions23 . At the same time, it is characteristic that it was a representative of big capital, a high-ranking employee of the Ruhr monopolies, F. Holtermann, who taught the adherents of Christian syndicalism a lesson in class analysis .24 In 1932, with a blunt directness that reached the point of cynicism, he sharply attacked the Christian trade unions for failing to live up to the expectations that were placed on them: in violation of the papal epistles, they participate in strikes, allegedly became the refuge of materialism and socialist ideas. He even believes that the greatest enemy of the existing system is not the social democrat, but the Christian social activist. The author does not spare either the Center Party, which has become an ally of the socialists, or the leaders of the VOHP, who allegedly accept communist ideas about property, in short, he attacks everyone who, in his opinion, is guilty of radicalizing Christian trade unions. Holterman admits that he is very concerned about the prospect of a united front of working believers with other trade union centers, a unity directed against fascism, which he does not hide his sympathy for. Published in the same year, the abstract of the dissertation of G. Mitch 25 is a panel-

20 G. Silblerbauer. Osterreichs Katholiken und die Arbeiterfrage. Graz. 1966.

21 "Histoire du mouvement ouvrier et des centrales syndicales en France". P. 1966.

22 The pamphlet of the Christian Trade Union Center of Luxembourg also states that the labor movement was linked to Christianity from the very beginning ("Die christliche Lehre uber den Staat". Luxemburg. 1957, S. 71).

23 J. Reindl. Die deutsche Gewerkschaftsbewegung. Altenburg. 1922.

24 F. Holtermann. Christentum oder Klassenkampf. B. (O. J.).

25 H. L. Mitsch. Die Idee des Klassenkampfes und die christliche Arbeiterbewegung. Mannheim. 1932.

page 184
girik to the Christian trade union movement. The author carefully elevates its organizations as militant unions, ostensibly fighting against capitalism, against socialism, and against "free" trade unions. Undoubtedly, it was advantageous for the bourgeoisie to portray the Christian trade unions as" class fighters "and"tools in the hands of the workers." However, Mitch hastens to reassure those in power that "this is not a Marxist class struggle", that its participants do not set themselves the task of establishing the dictatorship of the proletariat and achieving socialism. On this basis, he assesses Christian syndicalism as a "cultural movement".

In the bourgeois historiography of our days, there are works that show the role of Christian trade unions in Germany in the Weimar period, the activities of trade union leaders, but only to the extent that they were also leaders of the Center Party. Despite all the falsification of the roots of fascism by the authors of these publications, these bourgeois historians are right in defining the VOHP as the mass base of the Party of the Center. In addition, their work provides valuable factual material26 .

Reformist historiography also showed an interest in Christian syndicalism, based on the tasks of party and ideological struggle. In the literature of this direction, two periods are noticeable, the watershed between which is the beginning of the general crisis of capitalism. Ever since the First World War, the struggle that the Socialists had previously waged against the Church began to gradually weaken. Right-wing socialists have now accepted the Church and Christian trade unions as their allies. Reformist historians of the interwar period began to study the ideological sources and tactics of Catholic workers ' unions when they gained weight in individual countries and consolidated into the ICCP. As before, these historians still held anti-clerical positions, but the ideological and political orientation of their works became less definite.

The most prolific of these are the German historians Z. Nestrypke, K. Zwing, P. Umbreit, J. Herbracht 27 . Their writings contain conclusions about the causes of the birth of Christian syndicalism and even show the harm it caused to the German workers ' movement. Nestrypke also covers issues of trade union building, organizational structure and propaganda in the VOHP. But the convergence of the concepts of the reformists and the clerics, which brought them to the same table of "business cooperation" with Steinnes, left the imprint of reconciliation on the content and tone of all the writings of the opportunists. Their criticism reveals ever-decreasing differences with the clerics. Their starting point is the idea of trade unions as associations of wage workers, whose goal is only "to protect their common interests through joint actions, mainly by influencing the situation of labor"28 . It was precisely on this basis, that is, the final goals of the working-class movement were forgotten, that the trade union organizations of both types came closer together, which determined the character of reformist historiography. Therefore, the latter readily recognized Christian trade unions as " militant organizations."

A number of reformist works were published in Belgium. The conflict and rivalry between Reformists and Catholics was more pronounced here, as the majority of the government was made up of members of the Christian Social Party. But the above-mentioned trend towards convergence was clearly visible here as well. Vice-president of the Amsterdam International of Trade Unions and leader of the Belgian trade union center Mertens and Socialist Minister L. Bertrand in their historical treatises adhered to the following principles:

26 See, for example, K. D. Bracher, W. Sauer, G. Schulz. Die national-sozialistische Machtergreifung. Koln. 1960.

27 See, for example, Z. Nestrypke. Professional Movement, vol. II, Moscow, 1924; K. Tsving. German Trade Unions, Moscow, 1923; Gc Umbreit. A quarter of a century of the German trade union movement (1890-1915). Kharkov, 1925; J. Gerbracht. Der Kampf um die Seelen der Arbeiter. B. 1927.

28 З. Нестрипке. Edict. soch. T. I. M. 1923, p. 5. K. Tsving.: "The working class is part of the capitalist system. The demise of this system would have taken him with it. Therefore, it is the great historical duty of the working class to contribute to the improvement of the general condition of society as a whole by adapting itself to this system" (cit. by: A. Enderle. Professional movement in the West: L. 1928, p. 92).

page 185
the view that Christian trade unions were formed to oppose the socialist movement. They pointed out that before the creation of the Workers ' Party of Belgium, social Catholics did not even think about their trade unions. However, the authors did not rule out the possibility of cooperation with Catholics to fight against communist ideas .29 M. Gregoire's pamphlet 30 stands apart . Written partly in the spirit of the enlightenment's eighteenth-century anti-clericalism, it was an accusation against the princes of the Church who patronized fascism during the years when the Nazis were preparing to seize power in Germany and were creating their own agents in neighboring states. In this light, the author considers the Christian trade unions and youth organizations of the Vatican as associations that the reaction relies on everywhere.

Although the reformist literature of the 1920s and 1930s tended to weaken the ideological struggle against Christian syndicalism, it still retained an anti - clerical spirit and was opposed to "Catholic mass action." After the Second World War, right-wing opportunism took a new step towards ideological convergence with clericalism. Anti-communism became the basis for their joint political actions .31 This circumstance has also been reflected in historical works. Along with some differences in the assessment of the Christian trade union movement, which are related to the unequal assessment of the role of trade unions as a factor in modern social life, 32 there is something that unites the entire opportunist historiography of our days - this is the search for allies in the fight against the communist movement. On this platform," left " opportunists and syndicalists have united with right-wing opportunism. P. Monatte, who is known for his sympathies for Trotskyism, 33 seeks proof of the legitimacy of including Christian trade unions in the united front of anti-communism in the fact that the latter are no longer "yellow", as they were at the time of their emergence. They also have yet to achieve full independence from the Church. He considers this all the more necessary in relation to France, since anti-clericalism is a native quality of the French. The neo-trudonist leader of the reformist Force Ouvriere, Raymond le Bourre, also emphasizes the identity of Christian and" free "trade unions, considering only these two types of trade unions to be "truly syndicated". By overestimating the importance of the evolution that is taking place in the FKHT, he obscures the revolutionary traditions and militant sentiments of the working class, directing his work exclusively against the progressive General Confederation of Labor (BET), allegedly "colonized" by the Communists. The syndicalist E. Dollean, the former prominent pro-activist J. Lefranc, and the Canadian J. P. Despres made similar statements .34 An example of a one-sided utilitarian approach to the history of syndicalism is the work of G. Gottfurcht35, former General Secretary of the International Confederation of" Free " Trade Unions (ICFTU). He focused his efforts on clarifying the question: is it legitimate for the ICCP to continue to exist independently? The answer is no, because today the social-democratic trade unions do not recognize the class struggle, and the threat of communism requires the unification of the forces of the entire "free" trade union movement.

29 C. Mertens. Die Gewerkschaftsbewegung in Belgien. Amsterdam. 1925; L. Bertrand. L'ouvrier beige depuis un siecle. Bruxelles. 1924.

30 M. Gregoire. La charte de Chretiens. Bruxelles. 1932.

31 See L. Velikovich. Right-wing socialists and religion. Voprosy istorii religii i atheizma [Questions of the History of Religion and Atheism], 1959, No. 7.

32 Reformists who support the theory of the "waning of the class struggle" tend to belittle the role of trade unions, which they consider to be in crisis (see G. Lefranc. La crise du syndicalisme ouvrier en France. P. 1953). Syndicalists and" left " opportunists, on the contrary, exaggerate their importance in comparison with the parties of the proletariat (see R. le Bourre. Le syndicalisme francais dans la Republique. P. 1959).

33 P. Monalle. Trois scissinos syndicales. P. 1958

34 E. Dolleans. Histoire du mouvement ouvrier 1871 - 1920. P. 1953; G. Lefranc. Histoire des doctrines sociales dans l'Europe contemporaine. P. 1960; ejusd. Le syndicalisme en France. P. 1959; ejusd. Les experiences syndicales internationales. P. 1952; J. P. Despres. Op. cit.

35 H. Gottfurcht. Die international Gewerkschaftsbewegung im Weltgeschehen. Koln. 1962.

page 186
Social-democratic historiography has not yet exhausted its anticlerical possibilities. Where this is dictated by the interests of political and party struggle, for example, in Belgium, where the Christian Social Party successfully competes with the socialists, and the Christian trade union Center is already numerically superior to the General Federation of Workers of Belgium (VFTB), writings appear that contain a charge of anti-Catholicism and exposes all sorts of maneuvers of churchmen in the social field. This is a pamphlet by R. Gorre, 36 whose purpose, according to the author, is to warn the working youth against the dangerous influence of clericalism and the trade unions and youth organizations created by it. Gorre's richly documented work shows that Christian trade unions still enjoy the support of the clergy.

Very little has been done in the field of the study of Christian syndicalism by Marxist historical science. The Profintern organ also complained about this, 37 and today, in fact, the situation has not changed much. The reasons for this lie in the fact that before the Second World War, Christian unions in most countries (with the exception of Germany) did not have impressive strength and were little considered. The Communist press rarely mentioned the ICCP, and then only to note the manifestations of strikebreaking by its organizations. The study of the Christian labor movement was considered the prerogative of church historians. It is not surprising that in Marxist writings, Christian trade unions were seen only as the result of the machinations of the clergy .38 In the Soviet atheist literature of the 1920s and 1930s, Christian syndicalism was virtually beyond the interests of our historians. In dozens of articles, books, and pamphlets dealing with the history of the working class, Christian unions were not given a single line or were only mentioned .39 Thus, entire organizations were excluded from the history of the trade union movement, and with them, working believers. This trend has not been completely overcome in Soviet post-war historiography either .40
Meanwhile, as a result of the research carried out by Marxist historians of church and religion, who have revealed the roots and class essence of "Christian socialism", "Christian democracy" and other forms of social activity of the clergy, the prerequisites for serious research in the field of the history of the Christian trade union movement have already been created. However, so far almost none of the Soviet authors have specifically studied this topic. An exception is I. R. Grigulevich, whose article "The main stages of the Christian Labor Movement" contains an attempt to scientifically periodize the history of Christian syndicalism as an integral and most important part of the social activity of the church. 41 A prominent researcher of Catholicism, and its social activities in particular, the author has revealed a deep knowledge of the issue; the characteristics of Catholic trade union centers contained in the article are convincingly reasoned, and the general assessment of Christian trade unions as ideological organizations of the bourgeoisie among the working people correctly reflects their essence.

But speaking of the lack of consolidated analytical Marxist works on Christian syndicalism, especially on the history of the ICCP, it should be noted that there are several works on national trade union centers. Already in the pre-war years, the growth of Christian syndicates increased the interest of practitioners of the trade union movement in them

36 R. Gorreux. Au bon vieux temps du catholicisme, 1884 - 1894. Bruxelles. 1959.

37 "Red International of Trade Unions", 1927, No. 12, p. 703; 1936, No. 9, p. 19.

38 International Labor Movement, 1930, No. 33, p. 18; 1932, No. 33, p. 13.

39 Only S. Wolin saw in the Christian unions of Germany a significant social force (Vestnik Truda, 1922, No. 1, p. 116). Other authors ignored them (see S. Galperin. Professional movement in France since the War, Moscow, 1924; V. Daubrer. Ocherki istorii professional'nogo dvizheniya v Frantsii [Essays on the History of the trade union movement in France]. Trade Unions of Germany, Moscow, 1928; A. Enderle. Edict. op.; F. Bichek. Trade unions in the West and here. Odessa. 1927). Disregard for the history of Christian syndicalism has given rise to the misconception that "these unions cannot, strictly speaking, be called workers' trade unions, since they are among their members... they count capitalists, factory owners, priests, etc. " (S. Mendeleev. German Trade Unions, Moscow, 1926, p. 24).

40 See, for example, M. Mukhtasipov. Soviet trade unions in the Struggle for International Unity of the Working Class, Moscow, 1966.

41 "Yearbook of the Museum of the History of Religion and Atheism", Moscow, 1960, pp. 322-328.

page 187
different countries. In 1930, a pamphlet by P. Merker , 42 a leader of the revolutionary trade union opposition, was published in Germany. This pamphlet is a pamphlet that was born at a difficult time when the class trade unions were opposed by the united front of the All-German Trade Union Center, the VOHP, the Hirsch-Dunker and Polish trade unions. The author spoke from the position of a staunch ideological and political opponent of the Christian trade union movement, considering it, and not without reason, as a brake on the spiritual emancipation of the working class. His assessments of the class nature of these unions, the reasons for their emergence, and their dependence on the church and party of the Center are largely fair and reasonable. However, at that time, Merker held sectarian positions, 43 which was reflected in his interpretation of the Christian trade unions: in his eyes, they were not only an ideological opponent, but also "a direct tool of the imperialist bourgeoisie" and "a major counter-revolutionary force." This gave a wrong orientation regarding the unity of action of the working class. Merker correctly noted the rapprochement between Christian and "free" trade unions that began with the war of 1914-1918, but he was wrong when he claimed that there were few differences between them44 . Such an assessment ignored the specifics of Christian syndicates, their special features, which naturally made it difficult for progressive trade unions to develop the right tactics.

The turn towards the study of Christian syndicalism in Marxist literature has only recently begun to take place. The works of E. Krubke, P. Delon, and H. Van der Meer, as well as articles by D. Fricke and J. Stashevsky published in the early 60s, can serve as a sign of progress in this area .45 Marxist authors treat the problems of Christian trade unions in the GDR and France in close connection with the history of the class struggle. Many of the conclusions of these historians are quite convincing. Such, for example, is Van der Meer's view of the origins of Christian syndicalism: "The formation of Christian trade unions was an integral part of the strategy and tactics of the big bourgeoisie in its struggle against the German labor movement." 46 The works of these authors reveal the role of clerics in shaping the public consciousness of believers, the desire of clerical elements to direct the labor movement towards purely religious reformism. Historians of socialist countries have introduced many important archival documents into scientific circulation. J. Stashevsky, for example, refers to the resolution of the Congress of priests-patrons of Catholic workers ' associations in Poland in 1902, approving Christian trade unions, since "these organizations are created only to paralyze the socialist unions." What these authors have in common is that they view Christian syndicalism not in isolation from the history of the working class, but as an organic part of it. Based on concrete material, they trace the ideological struggle that Marxism constantly waged with Christian-bourgeois reformism, and at the same time note that at every stage of the labor movement, consistent socialists and progressive trade unionists pursued a policy of alliance with Catholics in the struggle for the common interests of the workers. While criticizing Christian syndicalism, Marxist historians are looking for ways to establish unity of action with it in the anti-imperialist struggle. In general, their work

42 P. Merker. Reib die Schranken nieder! B. 1930. See Russian translation: P. Merker. Christian trade unions in Germany. Kharkiv, 1930.

43 He belonged to the ultra-left in the ranks of the Profintern, and was one of the authors of the concept "reformist trade unions - schools of capitalism "(Red International of Trade Unions, 1932, No. 21-22, p.70). There were other erroneous propositions in the Marxist literature of those years. For example, it claimed that Christian unions are mostly united by women, and that their mutual assistance is possible thanks to "increased subsidies for their activities by church and other organizations" (S. Mstislavsky. Trade unions and their international associations, Moscow, 1925, p. 18).

44 P. Merker. Op. ed., pp. 51-89.

45 E. Krubke. Die "christliche" Gewerkschaftspolitik irn Dienst antinationaler und antisozialer Bestrebungen der Grofibourgeoisie. B. 1962; P. Delon. Le syndicalisme chrelien en France. P. 1961; H. Van der Meer. Politiseher Kierikalismus contra Gewerkschaftseinheit, B. 1964; D. Fricke. Die deutsche Arbeiterbewegung. 1869 - 1890. Leipzig, 1964; J. Stashevsky. Catholic workers 'organizations in Poland in 1891 -1914" Questions of the history of religion and atheism". 1959, issue 7.

46 H. Van der Mecr. Op. cit., S. 11 - 12.

page 188
They are the first step in studying the history of the Christian trade union movement on a scientific basis.

A great contribution to the Marxist historiography of the question was made by the Italian historian J. R. R. Tolkien. Candeloro with his fundamental work on the history of Catholicism and an essay on the history of the trade union movement in Italy, translated into Russian 47 . The author collected a huge amount of factual and documentary material and gave a true picture of the influence of the Catholic Church on the social, political and cultural life of the country. His works convincingly show how, under the influence of fear of the growing socialist movement, the Vatican moved closer to the bourgeoisie, which was expressed in the encyclical " Rerum Novarum "and the deployment of" Catholic mass action", in particular the foundation of the so-called white syndicates. Data on the formation of a left wing within Christian trade unions and its inclusion, for example, in the movement for land grabbing together with the class and "red" unions and cooperatives in 1919 are important. At the same time, these works clearly demonstrate the great responsibility that the Catholic trade unions of Italy bear for not being able to prevent the establishment of the Fascist dictatorship.

The pamphlet by J. K. Rowling is devoted to exposing the social doctrine of the Church as an instrument of spiritual enslavement of the working people by capital. Pulena 48 . The author reveals in a popular form the bourgeois essence of the clergy's social sermons and, in particular, their practice of creating Christian trade unions, designed to serve as a "bridge that connects" (Pius XII) working people with capitalist society. He gives a correct political assessment of the French Christian trade union center, but does not cover its activities.

The problems of Christian syndicalism are discussed in the work of G. Morozov and R. Sobsovich 49 . This is a serious attempt to systematize the main events in the trade union history of France. Since the FKHT has taken a certain place in the public life of the country, it appears in this work: along with other unions, its role in acts of strikebreaking and in unified actions is shown. Having correctly identified the social essence of the Christian trade union center, the authors are still trapped by traditional ideas about Christian syndicates. The claims that they caught the "bourgeois" and politically backward workers, as well as the accusations of "groveling" of the leaders of the FECHT in front of the Comité de Forge, and the purely declarative accusations of receiving financial assistance from the church and the MCI party, do not help to reveal the ideological and political essence of these organizations.

These works constitute an important, but still only an initial stage in the study of Christian syndicalism by Marxist historiography. The time has come for a more detailed analysis of the nature and history of this important group of the world trade union movement, which now unites millions of believers not only in Western Europe, where it originated at the end of the XIX century, but also in Asia, Africa and Latin America. It is necessary to thoroughly investigate its class and epistemological roots, ideology and practice. Marxist historians will need a radical reassessment of such problems as the origin of this type of syndicalism, its social program, the nature and nature of its internal contradictions, the place of Christian syndicalism in the system of institutions of "Catholic mass action", its modern evolution, and ways to achieve unity of action between progressive and Christian syndicates.

47 J. Candeloro. Trade union Movement in Italy, Moscow, 1953. The Catholic Movement in Italy, Moscow, 1955.

48 J. -K. Poulain. L'Eglise et la classe ouvriere. P. 1961.

49 G. Morozov, R. Sobsovich. Essays on the history of the trade union movement in France, Moscow, 1961.

page 189

Permanent link to this publication: